[pt] Esta dissertação procura analisara relação entre o arranjo espacial das grandes cidades e a escolarização dos jovens. Nesse sentido, busca compreender melhor os efeitos dos processos que permeiam a configuração socioespacial urbana sobre a socialização das crianças e jovens na escola. Passando pelas primeiras formas de moradias populares urbanas surgidas na Inglaterra até as novas formas de segregação urbana em que estão inseridas as cidades metropolitanas brasileiras, esse trabalho buscou discutir os fenômenos urbanos que alteram a organização espacial e as consequências produzidas no espaço urbano brasileiro contemporâneo. Buscando um melhor entendimento sobre a especificidade do caso brasileiro, esse trabalho procura dissertar a respeito dos processos históricos e sociais que estruturam o projeto de cidade no Brasil. Assim como, tem a pretensão de examinar os movimentos e dinâmicas sociais e históricas que alteram o formato, o modelo, o objetivo, o publico, e o entendimento social a respeito do processo educativo no país. / [en] This dissertation seeks to analyze the relationship between the spatial arrangement of large cities and the education of young people. In this sense, it seeks to better understand the effects of the processes that permeate the urban socio-spatial configuration on the socialization of children and young people at school. Going from the first forms of urban popular housing that emerged in England to the new forms of urban segregation in which Brazilian metropolitan cities are inserted, this work sought to discuss the urban phenomena that alter the spatial organization and the consequences produced in the contemporary Brazilian urban space. Seeking a better understanding of the specificity of the Brazilian case, this work seeks to talk about the historical and social processes that structure the city project in Brazil. As well as, it intends to examine the social and historical movements and dynamics that alter the format, the model, the objective, the public, and the social understanding regarding the educational process in the country.

[pt] Na última década a participação dos campos do Pré-Sal brasileiro na produção nacional de petróleo aumentou substancialmente, tornando esses campos responsáveis por mais da metade da produção nacional e com perspectiva de crescimento para os próximos anos. Os reservatórios de petróleo encontrados nessa região são caracterizados por espessuras que podem variar de poucas dezenas a centenas de metros, rochas com boas qualidades permo-porosas e presença de óleo leve, com elevado teor de gás associado e com contaminantes como CO2. Por estas características, diversos sistemas de produção instalados nestes reservatórios foram preparados e deverão adotar o método de recuperação suplementar com injeção alternada de água e gás. No presente trabalho foi feita uma análise paramétrica sobre a influência que propriedades de reservatório como espessura porosa, permeabilidade horizontal, permeabilidade vertical e razão kv/kh, e variáveis operacionais como vazão de operação, razão WAG e tempo de ciclo podem gerar no fator de recuperação em um cenário de produção típico do Pré-Sal brasileiro com e sem o efeito de segregação gravitacional. Pela comparação dos resultados em diversos casos de simulação numérica, foi possível identificar as variáveis com maior impacto e a influência decorrente do efeito gravitacional. Em seguida, a partir de uma análise de sensibilidade foi gerada uma equação para estimar o fator de recuperação em função das variáveis selecionadas. Números adimensionais propostos na literatura para avaliar a segregação gravitacional de fluidos em meio poroso foram calculados e utilizados para gerar outras equações para estimar o fator de recuperação. As estimativas do fator de recuperação feitas por cada função foram comparadas com os valores simulados para cada caso e foram identificadas as funções que apresentaram as estimativas mais próximas. Tais funções poderão ser utilizadas para estimar o fator de recuperação no cenário proposto e com aplicação em análises preliminares para projetos de desenvolvimento de campos de petróleo. / [en] In the last decade, the contribution of Brazilian pre-salt fields in the national oil production has increased substantially, setting these fields as responsible for more than half of the national production and with growth perspectives for years to come. The oil reservoirs found in this region are characterized by thicknesses which can vary from a few tens to hundreds of meters, rocks with favorable matrix properties, and the presence of light oil with a high associated gas content and contaminants such as CO2. Due to these characteristics, several production systems installed in these reservoirs were prepared and should adopt water alternating gas injection as supplementary recovery method. In the present study, a parametric analysis was performed on the influence that reservoir properties as porous thickness, horizontal permeability, vertical permeability, and kv/kh ratio, and operating variables as operating flow rate, WAG ratio, and cycle time can provoke in the recovery factor in a typical Brazilian pre-salt production scenario with and without the effect of gravitational segregation. By comparing the results in several cases of numerical simulation it was possible to identify the variables with the greatest impact and the influence of the gravity effect on recovery. From a sensitivity analysis, equations to estimate the recovery factor as a function of the selected variables or as a function of dimensionless numbers proposed in the literature to assess the gravitational segregation of fluids in porous media were adjusted. The recovery factor estimates made with each function were compared with the simulated values for each case and the functions that presented the best estimates were identified. Such functions can be used to estimate the recovery factor in the application scenario with application in preliminary analyzes for oil field development projects.

[pt] Essa dissertação tem como objetivo compreender a forma que o estigma do lugar e o racismo impactam a vida dos moradores do conjunto habitacional Bairro São Sebastião, construído pela organização católica Cruzada São Sebastião no bairro do Leblon no ano de 1955. As políticas remocionistas de favelas da Zona Sul dos anos 1960/1970 resultaram em um processo de segregação sócio-racial no espaço urbano carioca, já que os moradores dessas favelas, de maioria negra, foram removidos para bairros distantes da capital. No entanto, a experiência singular e pioneira do conjunto habitacional estudado recebeu parte dos moradores da antiga favela da Praia do Pinto, que se localizava ao lado do conjunto. Hoje, a Cruzada São Sebastião, como é comumente conhecido o conjunto habitacional, é ainda um local composto majoritariamente por pessoas negras em um dos bairros mais embranquecidos da cidade e com um dos metros quadrados mais caros do país. Através de entrevistas com os moradores e levantamento documental de reportagens de jornais foi possível obter dados relevantes sobre como o racismo impacta os moradores da Cruzada São Sebastião, assim como eles se organizam para fazer frente às formas de preconceitos que lhes são impostos. / [en] This dissertation aims to understand how the stigma of place and racism impact the lives of residents of the Bairro São Sebastião housing complex, built by the Catholic organization Cruzada São Sebastião in the Leblon neighborhood in 1955. The policies of favela removal in the South Zone in the 1960s and 1970s resulted in a process of social-racial segregation in the urban space of Rio de Janeiro, since the residents of these favelas, who were mostly black, were removed to distant neighborhoods in the capital. However, the unique and pioneering experience of the housing complex under study received part of the residents of the former Praia do Pinto slum, which was located next to the complex. Today, the housing complex is commonly known as Cruzada São Sebastião and still is a place composed mostly of black people in one of the most whitened neighborhoods in the city and with one of the most expensive square meters in the country. Through interviews with the residents and documentary research of newspaper reports it was possible to obtain relevant data on how racism impacts the residents of Cruzada São Sebastião, as well as how they organize themselves to face the forms of prejudice imposed on them.

[pt] A dispersão da mancha urbana das cidades provoca alto custo para toda a população, com a necessidade de investimentos em saneamento, transportes e equipamentos urbanos, além do problema da poluição e desmatamento causados por essa expansão. Em casos como o da cidade do Rio de janeiro, a mancha urbana ocupa praticamente todo o território municipal e se desenvolve em áreas ainda desprovidas de infraestrutura que suporte novos empreendimentos, enquanto outras, melhor estruturadas, ficam estigmatizadas por conceitos urbanos pejorativos e desprestigiadas pela sociedade - os seus chamados subúrbios, hoje conhecidos como Área de Planejamento 3. Formam-se, com isso, vazios urbanos em áreas próximas ao centro, que poderiam ser melhor aproveitados para termos um território mais compacto e poupador de recursos públicos. O atual Plano Diretor da cidade estabeleceu como zonas de incentivo áreas antes desprestigiadas, em quase toda a Zona Norte e parte da Zona Oeste, sendo um ponto de partida para reversão do atual quadro de crescimento desordenado e segregatório da cidade. / [en] Rio de Janeiro has had a fragmented model of expansion, where many new regions occupied not have transportation and sanitation infrastructure, and old areas, structured, tend to be disparaged and stigmatized as places of low social value. The effects on the city is catastrophic, affecting the routine of all the population and hindering the control of the territory by the government. While there were new areas to grow, the city took advantage of that. Many neighborhoods were born, evolved and died, while new spaces were created and encouraged. Came to Barra da Tijuca, the greatest example of how Rio de Janeiro has expanded to meet the desires of a particular group in search of a safe and elitist environment. Condos upper middle class were built and attracted people from all over the city and, in parallel, its sewage was dumped in the lagoons of the neighborhood. While a new Rio grew, much of the city was deteriorating, especially downtown and North Zone. In the central region, the idea of transferring downtown to Barra da Tijuca gained strength, with large companies moving into this new neighborhood. Modern buildings, wide open spaces and parking were the main differences between the two regions. In the residential aspect, concern for downtown was virtually nil. In the North Zone, with the increase of slums and violence, traditional neighborhoods were no longer the focus of the middle class carioca, with stagnating real estate investments over time and making the region passed by a process of forgetting his relevance within the context of the city, having his image associated with violence and crime. In areas called suburbian, the situation was even worse. The old industries have moved to other cities due to the daily violence of those neighborhoods, highlighting Benfica, Bonsucesso, Ramos and Penha, suffering a massive stagnation over the past decades. Associated with urban problems, prejudice was responsable for the not occupation of a large space in the city, well structured and located. But none of this was seen as a problem, but as a solution, because in Rio there were still many areas to grow and receive new residents, not being interesting recover and encourage the occupation of what had actually structure to receive new ventures. The thought of rejection of old areas and interest in new lasted nearly three decades and, as a consequence of this neglect, we have seen emerge an ancient and undervalued city and another one new and prosperous, resulting in a decentralized Rio and full of empty urban, increasingly dependent of transport, sanitation and opening new routes, generating costs for the entire population. Analyzing the urban area in Rio, in North Zone, we can see how there is a waste of urbanized areas, where there is a structured urban space, with transportation and sanitation system established, but underutilized and virtually without good projects being introduced. In certain parts of West Zone, investments are numerous, without a previous and efficient infrastructure that can receive all these investments. This is a contradiction. Currently known as Planning Area 3 (AP 3), a huge and discredited region in North Zone is in a strategic location, but is stigmatized by the media and society with pejorative concepts of class, who treats it like a suburb, but the application of that name ends up being contradictory, because, in Rio de Janeiro, this concept is associated with an etymology and not with a urban fact. There are in AP 3 urbanized neighborhoods and near downtown, but they are viewed negatively, often caused by so-called opinion leaders. AP 3 is the gateway of the city, with a strategic location to anywhere else in the city, state, country and abroad (the international airport is located there). It is the most populated area in the city and needs to be well treated, as a new investment option, regardless of titles assigned to it. With its proper use, we would have a less process of expansion toward the West Zone, giving to the Rio a efficient urban development, integrator and spending few public resources, resulting in a territory less dispersed and more egalitarian. The lack of investment in AP 3 has brought, besides the widespread abandonment, tragic consequences not only for the 38 per cent of the population carioca living there, but also for the entire city, which bears the overall expenditure of the municipality. Carioca population grew between 2000 and 2010 from 5,857,904 to 6,320,446 inhabitants, and the population density grew from 4880.37 to 5265.81 hab/square km. Analyzing the five planning areas, we observed a population growth across all APs in the nineties, but the representative of each one in the citys total population was redistributed. The AP 3, which concentrates most of the population of Rio, had a dicrease from 40.20 per cent to 37.96 per cent hab/square km, while the West Zone had a considerable increase in that number. The West Zone (Barra da Tijuca, Recreio dos Bandeirantes, Jacarepaguá e Vargens) is the area that received the most investments and incentives to be occupied, with only 14.39 per cent of the population residing there. There is still no efficient system of sewerage, transport, sidewalks and street paving. Nevertheless, we can see that area envolving more and more, causing a collapse not only within the limits of the West Zone, but also affecting the traffic throughout the city. In contrast, AP 3, with nearly 38 per cent of the municipal population, has been losing its representativity, due to the lack of policies to encourage the attraction of new residents and provide better services to the current. A city like Rio de Janeiro, where there is still no efficient mass transport, should be more compact and its residents served by quality services in short rays, eliminating the dependence on shifts that require the use of own vehicles. The consequences of urban sprawl is what we see nowadays, like the constant traffic jams, due to the dependence of vehicles from those who live in areas furthest from downtown, the high cost of deployment transportation system to meet these new areas, need for sanitation base infrastructure, paving and lighting. The big question is, if there is a region still largely in its horizontal and already endowed with infrastructure, as the AP 3, investments in development and attracting new residents would be a way to save public money and take advantage from the current urban area of the city, contributing to a truly sustainable development. Rio de Janeiro does not have more growth cluttered spaces and building in prime areas are increasingly rare. Seeing the AP 3 as a growth vector of Rio is an economical way to have an efficient and inclusive urban development. This need has been ratified by legislation through the Complementary Law 111/11, which determined the incentive of that area and some adjacent. AP 3, because of its size and diversity, demands varied solutions, but the common denominator is the need to stimulate the formal residential occupation, urbanization, retrenchment in slums, the recovery of peripheral areas to them, that has been assuming characteristics of informality, and improving the infrastructure and quality of the transport system. There are many obsolete and underutilized areas that will enable a transformation in the way of inhabiting the city. If there is a global awareness of the urban territory, either in Rio de Janeiro or any other city in the world, the concept of sustainable growth is meaningless, with neighborhoods rising, developing and dying, wasting past spending and future spending provoking. Cities can not continue with thoughts segregatórios class and should be properly used and maintained, valuing its past and controlling the growth process on expensive areas untouched, becoming an integrated environment and easy to be used and administered. Despite this negative picture, a more attentive enough to discover the enormous economic potential of the AP 3. The housing market in certain spots is heated and there are high expectations of its expansion with new public and private investments that are occurring. Life in neighborhoods still retains an aspect of good neighborliness, preserving a quality of life now lost in the more developed districts of the city. We can already notice a special attention to the region, with new public and private investment, with little prospect of improvement in visibility and consolidation of growth vector proposed by the current master plan.

[pt] Neste trabalho estudamos o comportamento dinâmico de uma mistura binária granular submetida a uma equação do tipo Cahn-Hilliard com o objetivo de observar o fenômeno da segregação. Construímos um modelo de sistema de células dinâmicas para simularmos computacionalmente esses sistemas e observarmos o seu comportamento, a fim de comparar nosso modelo com o que é observado experimentalmente. / [en] In this work we study the dynamic behavior of a granular binary mixture with the aim of investigation phenomenom. We construct also a cell dynamic systems model to simulate computationally these systems and observe its behaviour, in order to compare our model with the experiments.

[pt] A Prefeitura de Bogotá, publicou em 2015 o Plano Urbanístico do Centro Ampliado de Bogotá (PUCAB) cujo objetivo principal era diminuir a segregação socioespacial evidente nos limites geográficos da cidade, onde nas periferias habita a classe socioeconômica baixa, e no centro da cidade habitam as classes média e alta, ao mesmo tempo em que é almejado o adensamento da cidade, alocando pessoas num número equivalente ao aumento populacional para o ano 2020 no setor analisado e delimitado geograficamente sob condições de mobilidade de tempos de chegada aos polos de emprego em máximo 20 minutos nos transportes públicos e 10 minutos a pé até as estações dos sistemas coletivos, isso desde qualquer ponto dentro do setor do Centro Ampliado. A partir do objetivo geral de alocar pessoas de classe socioeconômica baixa no centro da cidade e, das variáveis de delimitação geográfica, deduz-se a intensão de alocar à população adensada em zonas em que são permitidos os percursos curtos lar-trabalho-lar, de onde surge a hipótese de tese do não cumprimento de tempos máximos de 20 minutos nos transportes públicos ainda submetidos ao transito veicular no setor do PUCAB; comprovação feita com base nas pesquisas da Secretaria Distrital de Mobilidade (2015). Avalia-se o limite geográfico do setor do PUCAB e se apresentam metodologias de priorização de adensamento em zonas em que são permitidos os deslocamentos curtos das casas à maior oferta de emprego e, outras atividades habituais dos cidadãos. / [en] The Bogota Humana series (2015) published a book entitled Urbanistic Plan for the Enlarged Bogota s Downtown (PUCAB in Spanish) aimed at turning Bogota into a more egalitarian and environmentally friendly city, with spaces where sustainable mobility is promoted. Among other objectives, the book proposes a structured densification of the historical downtown and nearby sectors of Bogotá, the Colombian capital city. The project intended to mitigate the existing sociospatial segregation characterized by low class people living towards the city periphery and middle-high classes living in the so-called Enlarged Downtown. The search for social inclusion should be promoted in Bogota by forcing spatial inclusion, i.e., by dislocating low class population to central areas equipped with better public facilities (TORRES et al. 2009). The dislocated population will benefit from subsidies programs similar to the ones they now receive. The advantages of concentrating low class residences close to high employment areas are obvious as most of these people have precarious labor conditions and commute long distances (ALCALDÍA DE BOGOTÁ, 2015). The economy of Bogota is mostly based in factories and sales, which employ low class employers (GUTIÉRREZ, 2011). This fact underscores the convenience of dislocating these people who presently commute mostly from the periphery, so that they can get better access to jobs with shorter commutes, and eventually to other job offers. The densification initiative is understood as an activity that precedes economic growth for the city and the country, while improving urban mobility through decreasing pendulum-like tides, originated by people who live in the periphery and work downtown. Though urban zoning is coherent with the Urban Plan main goal regarding socio-spatial segregation, it is not part of the land zoning variables defined in the same document. Because of this, there is a discussion about the environmental and socio viability of densifying the enlarged Bogota downtown. The discussion is mentioned but scarcely analyzed in the Urban Plan.

[pt] A pesquisa Natureza, Mixofobias e Contenção Territorial: a estratégia NIMBY carioca do Alto Jardim Botânico ,tem como objetivo compreender a produção social do espaço do Alto Jardim Botânico a partir das estratégias NIMBY (Not in my back yard) de seus moradores. Para isso são apresentados os diferentes significados assumidos pelo bairro no qual está inserido - o Jardim Botânico, zona sul do Rio de Janeiro - desde a sua inicial função agrícola no século XVI até o recente processo de glamourização. Tal trajetória é explicada considerando-se as singularidades da natureza presentes na cidade, especialmente a montanha e a floresta, incorporadas à lógica do mercado de imóveis ao longo do seu processo histórico de ocupação, além, dos desafios associados à uma sociedade claramente marcada pela sensação de insegurança derivada do medo e dos diferentes tipos de riscos aos quais é submetida cotidianamente. O trabalho baseia-se em entrevistas semiestruturadas com moradores do bairro e apresenta reflexões sobre o conceito de segregação e sua relação com as noções de mixofobia e oroescapismo. Indo além, debate as formas de apropriação do espaço público que se realizam no recorte aqui escolhido para ser pesquisado e os fundamentos da sociedade biopolítica que produz ali, como um subproduto, o fenômeno da contenção voluntária. Por fim, aponta para a oportunidade existente nos estudos sobre semântica urbana que permitirá melhor compreender, por exemplo, o papel simbólico de certos termos usado entre pesquisadores das ciências ditas espaciais, como o caso do termo Alto, que será peça chave no desenrolar desta pesquisa. / [en] The study Nature, Myxophobias e Restraint Territorial: the NIMBY (Not in my backyard) strategies carioca of the Jardim Botânico upper, aims at understanding the social production of the Jardim Botânico upper side space on the grounds of the NIMBY (Not in my backyard) strategies, which have been implemented by its residents. In order to do so, the different meanings incorporated by its neighbourhood, Jardim Botânico, in Rio de Janeiro s South zone, are presented, from its initial agricultural function, in the 16th century, to a recent process of glamorization. Such process is explained by taking into consideration the specifications of the city s nature, specially the mountains and the forests, which have been incorporated to the logic of the real state s market throughout the historical process of its occupation. Besides, it is important to consider the challenges associated with a society clearly marked by a constant feeling of insecurity, derived from the fear and the different kinds of risks its residents are exposed to on a daily basis. This study is based on semi structured interviews with Jardim Botânico s residents and presents reflections over the concept of segregation and its relation with notions of myxophobia and oroescapism (necessity to escape to the mountains for different reasons). Besides, it discusses the different ways, pointed out in this study, to appropriate the public space and the basis of a bio political society, which produces, as a sub product, the voluntary restraint phenomenon. Finally, it shows the opportunity, presented in the studies of urban semantics, of a better understanding, for instance, of the symbolic role of certain terms used by spacial sciences researchers, like the term High (Alto), which is a key concept for the development of this study.

[pt] Essa dissertação tem como objetivo discutir as políticas de controle de drogas que vêm sendo aplicadas atualmente tomando como ponto de partida a cidade de Santos. A pesquisa investiga primeiramente o desenvolvimento multilateral do proibicionismo. Nesse movimento, encontramos em grande parte da literatura analisada um entendimento que posiciona os Estados Unidos como principais promotores das políticas de proibição a determinadas substâncias psicoativas e pouco explora a atuação de outras agências no funcionamento do proibicionismo. Em seguida, é realizada uma discussão em torno da produção de conhecimento sobre as políticas de drogas e as lacunas deixadas pelas pesquisas analisadas. A partir dessa questão é apresentada uma proposta investigativa que dialoga com o proibicionismo em suas diversas aplicações, encontrando nos debates sobre a questão urbana e as políticas de escala um importante marco teórico. Investigamos com isso como diferentes discursos e práticas relacionadas às drogas têm se articulado com as dinâmicas de produção do espaço social de Santos, contrastando as políticas de promoção ao café iniciadas no início do século XX com as de interdição à cocaína - fortalecidas principalmente após a década de 1960. Considerando como diversos fatores se articulam na cidade questionamos então como as políticas de controle de drogas têm autorizado a produção de espaços diferenciados a partir da experiência de Santos? Explorar essa pergunta em particular promove reflexões bastante interessantes uma vez que evidencia como questões de raça, classe e gênero se sobrepõem e se contrapõem com práticas repressivas e autorizam uma aplicação violenta e assimétrica do proibicionismo. / [en] This dissertation aims to discuss the policies of drug control that are currently being applied taking as a departure point the experiences of the city of Santos. The research first investigates the multilateral development of prohibitionism. We find in much of the literature analyzed an understanding that positions the United States as the main promoters of policies to prohibit certain psychoactive substances and little explores the performance of other agencies in the operation of prohibitionism. Then, a discussion is held around the production of knowledge about the policies of drugs and the gaps left by the analyzed researches. From this reflection is presented an investigative proposal that dialogues with the prohibitionism in its diverse applications, finding in the debates on the urban question and the politics of scale an important theoretical framework. Thus, we investigate how different discourses and practices related to drugs have been articulated with the dynamics of spatial production of Santos, contrasting the coffee promotion policies initiated in the early twentieth century with those of cocaine interdiction - strengthened mainly after the 1960s. Considering how various factors are articulated by the city, we then question how do drug control policies authorize the production of differentiated spaces from the experience of Santos? Exploring this particular question promotes interesting reflections about how questions of race, class, and gender overlap with repressive practices and authorize a violent and asymmetrical application of prohibitionism.

[pt] É senso comum na literatura sobre mobilidade urbana, a abordagem dos aspectos positivos das infraestruturas de mobilidade, pela possibilidade que elas têm de conectar os espaços urbanos. Afim de promover um debate crítico acerca desses elementos, a dissertação visa apontar a dimensão da segregação das Infraestruturas de mobilidade, explorando dois aspectos: 1. o da segregação socioespacial, numa escala de cidade e metrópole, abordando a dicotomia centro-periferia, e 2. da segregação da forma urbana, numa escala de bairro, seja pela presença de tecidos urbanos dispersos e fragmentados, como por novas e diferentes escalas dos conjuntos edificados no entorno de algumas infraestruturas de mobilidade. Para tal, a pesquisa ancora-se no objeto da Avenida Brasil, importante via expressa construída na década de 40, que cruza a cidade do Rio de Janeiro de uma ponta a outra, servindo como um dos eixos estruturantes na ocupação da zona oeste. Em sua extensão, encontram-se diversos modos de ocupações, relacionados a diferentes dimensões de segregação. Uma análise comparativa, baseada em três padrões de ocupações distintos de habitações de baixa renda e seu entorno tem, por fim, o objetivo de medir os impactos da segregação em determinados trechos. / [en] It is common sense in the urban mobility, literature to address the positive aspects of mobility infrastructures because of their ability to connect urban spaces. In order to promote a critical debate about these elements, the dissertation aims to point out the dimension of segregation on mobility infrastructures, exploring two aspects: that of socio-spatial segregation, on a city and metropolis scale, addressing the center-periphery dichotomy, and the segregation of the urban form, on a neighborhood scale, either by the presence of scattered and fragmented urban fabrics, as well as by new and different scales of buildings built around the mobility infrastructures. Then, the research is based on the object of Avenida Brasil, an important expressway built in the 1940s, which crosses the city of Rio de Janeiro from one end to the other, serving as one of the structuring axes in the occupation of the west zone. In its extension, there are several modes of occupations, related to different dimensions of segregation. A comparative analysis, based on three distinct occupational patterns of low-income housing and its surroundings, is ultimately intended of to measure the impacts of segregation on stretches.

[pt] Este trabalho busca, a partir de um estudo de caso, analisar a forma como se produz segregação urbana no Rio de Janeiro atualmente, e como a população é afetada por isso. O documento é dividido em duas etapas: a primeira relaciona a teoria existente acerca de segregação urbana e a política habitacional levada a cabo na cidade, através da análise da legislação atual, das reformas urbanas que estão sendo realizadas e das práticas políticas existentes no passado. Na segunda etapa, é realizada a apresentação do trabalho de campo desenvolvido no Bairro Carioca, em Triagem, onde foi possível observar, a partir do acompanhamento do cotidiano escolar, como a segregação se mostra na forma como os moradores e professores expressam sua experiência de viver e trabalhar no local. / [en] This dissertation aims to analyze the way urban segregation is produced in contemporary Rio de Janeiro, and how the population is affected by it. The work is divided into two parts: the first relates the existing theory about urban segregation with the housing policy developed in the city. It analyses the current legislation, the urban reforms carried out, and the political practices performed in the past. In the second part, it presents the results of a fieldwork developed in Bairro Carioca, where it was possible to observe, after following daily life at a local school, how segregation is revealed in the way residents and teachers express their experience of living and working in this neighborhood.