強制外交（coercive diplomacy）的概念在一九七０年代由學者Alexander L. George首度提出，主張強制外交應屬於防守型的危機管理（defensive crisis management），亦有別於一般所謂的嚇阻（deterrence）與壓制（compellence）等策略。施行強制外交時，相關決策者透過威脅使用武力，或使用有限度的武力，以勸說對手停止或放棄現正從事的行動，並防止危機情勢的升高，及避免戰爭的發生。冷戰期間，美、蘇兩國的領導人對於該一策略的運用極為廣泛與普遍，甘迺迪政府對於古巴飛彈危機的處理便是著名的案例。冷戰結束，國際關係進入所謂的後冷戰時期，面對區域衝突、人道危機和恐怖主義威脅等問題，強制外交更常被相關決策者和國際組織所施行、採用，亦多次在國際間重大的衝突與危機處理過程中扮演著關鍵的角色，並展現其重要性和多元化的一面。因此，鑑於強制外交對於後冷戰時期之國際危機處理和衝突解決的重要性和必要性，本研究旨在透過強制外交相關理論的介紹與整理，以及後冷戰時期強制外交相關個案的研究分析，總結歷史的經驗與教訓，深入探討其施行現況與成效，並提出具體之研究發現與政策建議。期盼所得之研究成果能使吾人對於該策略有更深一層的認識與了解。 關鍵詞：強制外交、壓制、危機管理、後冷戰時期、區域衝突、人道干涉、反恐行動 / In the 1970s, Alexander L. George first introduced and defined the concept of coercive diplomacy. According to George, he claims that coercive diplomacy is a strategy of defensive crisis management. Besides, coercive diplomacy is also different from the strategy of deterrence or compellence. When policymakers and political elites decide to manipulate coercive diplomacy, they should employ threats and / or limited force to persuade opponents to call off or undo adverse actions, which are thought aggressive. Furthermore, the purpose of using coercive diplomacy is to prevent crisis situation from escalating or causing wars. During the Cold War era, leaders of United States and Soviet Union used this strategy intensively. The Cuban missile crisis in 1962 can also be thought as a famous case of successful coercive diplomacy. When international relations enters into the post-Cold War era, coercive diplomacy still plays as important role in crisis management and conflict resolution. Policymakers of countries and international organizations, like the United Nations and the NATO, prefer to use coercive diplomacy to deal with regional conflicts, humanitarian intervention, and counterterrorism. Coercive diplomacy also demonstrates its necessity and significance of solving these problems. In order to give us a comprehensive understanding of coercive diplomacy, this thesis focuses on theories of coercive diplomacy and case studies, especially the experiences after the Cold War. Then, in final chapter of this thesis, the author generalizes lessons and experiences come from the cases analyzed and studied. In addition, the author also tries to make conclusions about the efficacy of coercive diplomacy and thus tries to offer some guidelines for policymakers. Keywords: coercive diplomacy, compellence, crisis management, post-Cold War era, regional conflicts, humanitarian intervention, counterterrorism

自中國在1949年建立起，台灣已面臨激烈的有關於國際地位認同的外交爭論。已有許多研究都在討論中國在拉丁美洲的崛起以及其如何影響台灣。讓拉丁美洲的國家與台灣維持長期穩定的關係的原因是什麼? 本研究分析了美國在冷戰期間與台灣及中美洲對抗共產主義的重要性，這讓我們了解為什麼這些國家依然支持台灣。從研究結果可得知美國的政策主要導向中美洲而不是中國，這也成為維持中華民國與中美洲之間的主要因素。有三個變數皆已被用來說明為什麼中美洲國家承認臺灣是一個國家: 外交政策、 經濟因素和政權類型。透過本研究，我發現了承認台灣地位的問題根源，也同時瞭解美國、中美洲及台灣間的關係。 / Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, Taiwan has faced a fierce diplomatic battle against China for international recognition. There have been many studies regarding the growing presence of China in Latin America and how that affects Taiwan. What are the reasons for these countries to maintain this long-standing relationship with Taiwan? This study has covered the Cold War years to analyse the importance of the United States and their battle against Communism for Taiwan-Central America relations and it also allowed us to understand the reasons why they still support Taiwan. The result of the analysis showed us how the U.S. policy towards Central America, but not the growing presence of China, has been the main factor to shape the relations between the ROC and Central American countries. Three variables have been used to explain why Central American countries recognize Taiwan as a state: Foreign policy, economic factors and regime type. Through this study, I came across the roots of the problem with Taiwan’s status and also acquired a better understanding of the dynamic in U.S. – Central America – Taiwan relations.