Kyoto University (京都大学) / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第17566号 / 工博第3725号 / 新制||工||1568(附属図書館) / 30332 / 京都大学大学院工学研究科材料工学専攻 / (主査)教授 松原 英一郎, 教授 杉村 博之, 教授 邑瀬 邦明 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当

中東地處歐亞非交界，是地緣戰略不可忽略的地方，亦是全球的能源生產重地，世界強權皆欲在此佔有一席之地，其中伊拉克含括兩河流域，為中東地區中心位置，石油儲量全球第二，戰略地點更顯重要，但宗教派系紛爭及強權覬覦的影響，伊拉克經常呈現紛亂狀態。 911事件後，美國將伊拉克列為邪惡軸心國家之一，認定其與恐怖組織掛勾，危害國際社會，決定再次出兵撻伐，並計劃以「美式民主」將伊拉克改造成中東的民主表率，期能在該地區推動民主風潮，但事實與結果卻是美國深陷伊拉克戰爭泥沼，為此付出極大代價，並被國際社會批判。 美國對伊拉克發動戰爭共經歷小布希總統及歐巴馬總統共3個任期，兩人政黨背景不同，執政理念存在差異，執政期間亦經歷各種國內外不同事件之影響，繼而產生不同的伊拉克政策；分析比較兩位總統在對伊拉克戰爭期間的做法，有助探討美國在不同政黨及總統外交政策的延續情況。 經過探討小布希總統與歐巴馬總統採取的伊拉克政策、對極端分子的態度及國內外重大事件等對美國伊拉克政策的影響，顯示美國不會因政黨及總統改變而轉變其外交政策，其政策是延續性的，政策的最高原則仍是將國家利益與安全放在第一位。 / The Middle East which is located at the junction of the three continents of Europe, Asia and Africa, is important for both geography and energy. That is the reason why all powerful countries wanted to occupy it. Iraq which includes Mesopotamia is in the central location of Middle East and takes the second leading in the world’s oil output. However, Iraq is usually in a unstable situation because of religious tribal disputes and keen competition of many powerful countries. After the 911attacks, the United States identified Iraq as the key of the evil countries and also a terrorist organization. The U.S. sent troops to attack Iraq and planned to transform Iraq into a democratic example of the Middle East with "American democracy". However, the U.S. paid a great price, and faced lots of criticism from the international community. The United States launched a war against Iraq across the term of office from President George W. Bush to President Barack Obama. Because the two presidents of different political parties and leading styles were influenced with various internal and external events, they also held different policies to Iraq. To analyze and compare the measures took by these two presidents in the Iraq war will help us to explore the situation of the U. S. foreign policies during the two political parties. After analyzing the foreign policies of President George W. Bush and President Obama towards Iraq and terrorist, we can know that the U.S. did not change its foreign policy through the two presidents of different political parties. The policy practiced by U.S. is continuous and consistent. The U.S. always put the nation’s interests and safety in the first place.

1980年代末以降，臺灣跨國婚姻數量大幅增加，新住民子女就學人口成長速度亦十分驚人，根據教育部統計，94-104學年度間，就讀國中小的新住民子女自60,258人增至207,733人，成為不可忽視的群體。如何全面而精確瞭解該群體的空間分布與特徵，乃是了解新住民子代教育相關議題的重要基礎，過往研究卻未對此有所掌握。本文使用內政部統計處社會經濟資料平臺所發布之103-105年全國行政區國民小學、國民中學統計，運用R語言與Quantum GIS地理資訊系統，進行空間統計分析與視覺化地圖繪製，更藉由階層式集群分析法將臺灣本島區分出不同的教育環境背景類型，並以疊圖將兩者相互對照分析，企圖回答新住民子代就學人口所在之處，以及該群體所處地區的學校教育特性之基本命題。 研究結果顯示，無論國小或國中教育階段，新住民子女學生絕對人口及族群人口比率的空間分布，皆具有地方歧異性，顯著呈現出不均質的樣態，主要的空間聚集區有北北桃地區（含新竹縣北部）、竹苗地區與雲嘉南地區。本文亦發現，人口聚集的鄉鎮市區內，學校教育環境背景差異甚巨。北北桃地區的國小教育環境背景類型屬於「都會型」或「都會人口密集型」，國中階段分屬「都會偏遠混合型」或「都會人口密集型」；竹苗地區與雲嘉南地區的國小教育環境背景類型，除了臺南市楠西區為「都會型」外，其餘一概為「偏遠型」鄉鎮；國中階段甚至呈現「都會偏遠混合型」、「高生師比混合型」、「顯著少數型」三種面貌。 最後，本文指出，新住民子女就學人口分布，超越人為的行政界線劃分，形成跨多重縣市疆界的顯著聚集熱區，不僅如此，該群體落腳區域的教育環境背景類型存在差異。未來，政府單位若要制訂或實施相關政策，應考量新住民就學人口的空間分布，以及分布地的教育環境背景特性據，以達到更好的資源配置與政策安排。

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第22156号 / 工博第4660号 / 新制||工||1727(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院工学研究科社会基盤工学専攻 / (主査)教授 森 信人, 教授 平石 哲也, 准教授 米山 望 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Engineering) / Kyoto University / DFAM

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(理学) / 甲第20942号 / 理博第4394号 / 新制||理||1631(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院理学研究科化学専攻 / (主査)教授 宗林 由樹, 教授 長谷川 健, 教授 小野 輝男 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Science / Kyoto University / DGAM

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(人間健康科学) / 甲第24538号 / 人健博第109号 / 新制||人健||8(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院医学研究科人間健康科学系専攻 / (主査)教授 中尾 恵, 教授 奥野 恭史, 教授 中本 裕士 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Human Health Sciences / Kyoto University / DFAM

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第24598号 / 工博第5104号 / 新制||工||1977(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院工学研究科都市社会工学専攻 / (主査)教授 小池 克明, 教授 塚田 和彦, 教授 米田 稔 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Engineering) / Kyoto University / DGAM

科学研究費補助金 研究種目:一般研究(C) 課題番号:62510192 研究代表者:江村 治樹 研究期間:1987-1989年度

我國興櫃股票之交易方式係由推薦證券商（即興櫃股票之造市商）之報價主導交易進行，屬於報價驅動（Quote-driven）之交易方式，與我國上櫃股票採取「等價交易」及上市股票採取「競價交易」等均屬委託單驅動（Order-driven）之交易方式迥然不同。 按我國證券交易法第155條第2項準用同條第1項規定之適用結果，「於證券商營業處所買賣有價證券」者，仍應有第1項所揭反市場操縱條款之適用。惟有關興櫃股票交易在成交對象之選擇、成交順序、成交價格決定，乃至於成交後之給付結算作業方式等，均與我國現行上市（櫃）股票之交易及交割方式具有明顯之差異，致應如何適用證券交易法反市場操縱條款之規定，乃成疑義。 本文鑒於興櫃股票市場規模已呈穩定成長之勢，不難想像興櫃股票交易與市場操縱行為之間終將有擦出爭議火花之時，故以比較法學研究之觀點，歸納並分析興櫃股票與上市（櫃）股票交易方式之差異及其癥結所在。另蒐集瀏覽世界各國主要證券市場之交易規制，包括美國OTCBB市場、歐陸Alternext市場及英國AIM市場，分析其他採用報價驅動交易模式之先進市場當中有關造市商義務之規範，以掌握造市商義務之核心意涵。進而以造市商義務範圍及報價驅動市場之交易特徵為基礎，逐一檢測興櫃股票適用我國證券交易法所揭「違約不交割」、「相對委託」、「連續交易」、「沖洗買賣」、「散布流言或不實資料」及「其他直接或間接操縱市場」等各款反市場操縱條款規定可能引發之爭議，並提出本文意見。 / The trading mechanism of Taiwan Emerging Stock is based on quote-driven model, which is very different from the order-driven model of the Taiwan OTC securities market and Taiwan Stock Exchange market. By the Taiwan Securities and Exchange Act Article 155 paragraph 2 permitted that paragraph 1, the anti-market manipulation provisions, shall apply mutatis mutandis to securities transactions conducted on the over-the-counter markets. However, lots of Taiwan Emerging stock trading rules such as allowing the participants to choose their counterparty, the matching sequence rules, the price decision rules, and even the rules of payment and settlement practices after transaction, all have significantly differences between those of Taiwan Emerging stock market and listed stock market. Therefore, how should Taiwan Emerging stock apply to the Securities Exchange Act under the terms of the anti-market manipulation is into doubt. Taiwan Emerging stock market has shown a steady growth trend, hence, it is easy to imagine that Taiwan Emerging stock trading and market manipulation issues will eventually rise to controversy. This thesis is to study from the point of view of comparative law, by means of analyzing the emerging stock markets of the advanced countries, including the U.S. OTCBB market, the European Alternext market and the UK AIM market, to conclude the crux of the difference between the quote-driven and order-driven market models. Then, to understand the characteristics and core obligation of the market maker under quote-driven market model, furthermore, to detect the disputes may lead for adapting the anti-manipulation provisions to Taiwan Emerging stock, including the terms of "breach of contract non-deliverable", "improper matched orders ", "continuous trading", "wash sale", "spreading rumors or false information" and other direct or indirect behavior of manipulation". And this thesis proposed its discovery at the end.

俄羅斯作為一個多民族的聯邦國家，自一九九一年獨立以後採行市場改革與民主制度，轉型後面臨國家、民族與民主化的多重挑戰。民主轉型是一條冗長而複雜的道路，而且通常不是一條坦途。俄羅斯也不可避免要面對這樣的挑戰。俄羅斯的聯邦制度承繼了前蘇聯的遺緒，前蘇聯的民族區域自治政策相當程度的影響了俄羅斯的聯邦制度。聯邦制度被許多人視為是一種能容納民族多元文化的制度化機制，但是採行聯邦制的俄羅斯一開始就面對蜂擁而至的民族分離勢力，統一成為議題而非共識，聯邦制度與民族自治的關係與發展成為攸關俄羅斯未來的一項重要問題，本文就選擇俄羅斯的聯邦制與民族自治作為論文主題，而以一九九○年作為分析的中心。 本文研究架構從新制度主義的研究途徑來探討後共時期的俄羅斯，我們在文中有三項主要的分析架構。首先，我們選擇由轉型學中的一項相當顯著的概念－「協議轉型」，來省視它的民主化過程。我們使用政治學家卡爾對協議的探討，他分析協議內涵包括基礎性與管理性，對於協議有進一步的瞭解。同時，他使用策略與主導力量的變數作出了民主轉型的類型表，本文作者則修正其類型表增加兩項變數，從使用策略與主導力量的角度來分析俄羅斯轉型過程中，涉及聯邦制度與地區自治的幾項協議，包括《聯盟條約》、《聯邦條約》、《俄羅斯聯邦憲法》、《俄韃條約》、《公民協定》與《權力分享協定》作為分析對象；此外，也將俄羅斯轉型初期地區力量最為凸顯的韃靼斯坦與車臣兩個民族共和國，以及本文所分析的三個個案－喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦，也一併置於類型表中作分析。這些協議除了《公民協定》以外，其餘協議對於俄羅斯聯邦制度的發展以及俄羅斯聯邦與地區的關係都有影響。我們在此發現，除了《俄羅斯聯邦憲法》是屬於「菁英與群眾合作」的「強制接受」的類型外，其餘都是「協商妥協」中的「菁英優勢」類型。雖然絕大多數的協議都是以協商妥協的方式通過，但是因為國家根本大法憲法以強制方式通過，也是造成俄羅斯後來政局不穩定的最主要因素之一。其次，我們從多位政治學者對聯邦制度的理論探討，包括不對稱聯邦制度的分析，來探討俄羅斯聯邦制度的安排，由俄羅斯聯邦憲法對於中央與地區的權力劃分來詳細分析俄羅斯聯邦制度的特徵。從學者分析不對稱聯邦制度模式會有衝突的潛在性，對聯邦制度的發展不具正面的功能，甚至可能會危及聯邦的統一，對俄羅斯聯邦制度的不穩定可以提供部分的解釋功能。最後，我們從策略運用的角度來分析俄羅斯聯邦與地區的關係，將俄羅斯由獨立初期至一九九○年代末期，聯邦政府與地區（特別是民族共和國）所運用的策略，由策略型式、時間演進與光譜分布，來研究一九九○年代俄羅斯聯邦政府與地區的關係發展梗概。從一九九○年代初期的「主權的遊行」到一九九四年以後的「雙邊條約的遊行」的現象發展中，可以發現從時間演進與光譜分布來看，俄羅斯聯邦政府是節節敗退，先懷柔與施惠，最後才祭出武力作為施壓。而自一九九四年的第一次車臣戰爭以後，地區分離力量已有所收斂，地區轉而爭取經濟與自治權益居多，直至普丁總統上任以後，才著手積極整頓聯邦政府與地區的幾項爭議問題。 本文使用新制度主義研究途徑探討俄羅斯聯邦與民族自治，以一九九○年代為分析中心，並以喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦三個共和國作為個案探討對象。文中以俄羅斯獨立至葉爾辛下台作為主要的研究分析期，詳實分析俄羅斯聯邦發展過程中如何處理民族問題，以期對多民族國家處理民族問題的做法有更深一層的瞭解。全文分為六章。第一章緒論。敘述研究動機、所使用的研究途徑、研究架構與章節分配。第二章探討民族主義與俄羅斯，敘述俄羅斯與民族主義的關係，對俄羅斯民族主義的特徵、蘇聯的民族理論與政策與蘇聯解體的民族因素，先作背景因素的探討。第三章分析俄羅斯的民主化與聯邦制。對俄羅斯獨立初期的民主轉型，特別是以協議轉型作為分析重心。分析俄羅斯獨立以後的多項協議的內涵與重要性，再從聯邦制的理論來分析俄羅斯所採取的聯邦制內涵與特徵。第四章分析俄羅斯聯邦中央與地區的關係。以俄羅斯的民族政策、俄羅斯聯邦中央與地區的關係，以及地區精英作為觀察中心。第五章選擇喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦三個民族共和國作為研究個案，這三個共和國是蒙古族後裔或與蒙古族族源接近的民族所聚居的共和國，文中比較分析三個共和國在俄羅斯獨立以後的策略以及與中央的互動。第六章結論。先評估俄羅斯的民主化與聯邦制度的優缺點，再從普丁總統上任以後對俄羅斯聯邦制度的改革、俄羅斯作為多民族聯邦國家與民主鞏固的關係作前景的探討。 本文認為俄羅斯聯邦制度承繼了前蘇聯的制度遺緒，再披上現代民主的形式，使得俄羅斯的聯邦制難以調適民主化以後的變革。一九九○年代聯邦政府處理地區－特別是民族共和國－的分離勢力捉襟見肘。聯邦政府對分離力量收斂以後所代之而起的地區爭權趨勢，也始終未能理順，導致普丁總統上任以後對地區勢力不斷採取抑制方式。本文認為俄羅斯聯邦制度需作結構性的調整，以適應未來的改革，否則地區力量會隨著中央的衰頹東山再起，對俄羅斯長遠的發展並不利。 / As a multi-ethnic federation nation, Russia, since its independence in 1991, initiated market reform and embarked on establishing a democratic system. In the process of this transformation, it had to confront many challenges related to ethnicity and democratization. Democratization is a long and complex process and, more than often, not an easy road. Russia too, hence, was not exempted from facing such challenges. The federalism of Russia has inherited some remnants of its legacy from former Soviet Union. Former Soviet Union’s policy of regional autonomy based on ethnicity has had substantial degree of influence on Russia’s federalism. The federalism is regarded by many people as a systematic mechanism which is able to accommodate a multi-ethnic culture. However, Russia, at the very onset of adopting this system, had to confront many forces which supported ethnic separation. Unification became a mere agenda not mutual consensus. The relationship between federalism and ethnic autonomy and development became an important issue for the future of Russia. This paper hereby chooses the federalism of Russia and ethnic autonomy as the topic of the thesis, and selects the 1990s as the focal point of this analytical study. The analytical framework of this paper exploits the approach of new-institutionalism to examine a post-Communist Russia. Our paper comprises of three key frameworks for analysis. First, we will pick one of the relatively distinct concepts of democratic transition-“Pacted Transitions” to analyze Russia’s democratization process. Let’s take the reference of political expert Terry Lynn Karl’s study on compromise. His analysis on pacts includes both basics and managerial, thus offering a much better understanding on pacts. At the same time, he employs strategy and leadership as variables to create modes of transition to democracy. The writer of this paper amends this chart to include two additional variables. From the aspect of strategy and leadership, we can analyze some of the compromises undertaken by the federalism and regional autonomies including the “Union Treaty,” the Federation Treaty, the Constitution of Russian Federation, “On Delimitation of Jurisdictional Subjects and Mutual Delegation of Authority between the State Bodies of the Russian Federation and the Russian Federation and the State Bodies of the Republic of Tatarstan,” the Civic Accord, the power-sharing agreements between Russian federal government and its subjects, etc, which Russia encountered during its transition process. In addition to these, this paper will also accommodate in its analysis chart the ethnic republics of Tatarstan and Chechnya - two most prominent regional forces during the initial period of Russia’s transition, plus three study cases on Kalmykiya, Buryat and Tuva. All the above mentioned treaties and agreements, with the exception of the Civic Accord, had significant influence on the development of Russia’s federalism and the interrelationship between the Federation and the territories. Here we’ll discover that, except for the “Constitution of Russian Federation” which can be classified as “Imposition” in the mode of ”Cooperation between the elite and the mass”, the rest belong to the mode of “Compromise” in “Elite Ascendant”. Even though most of the agreements were conceived by way of compromises, but since the national constitution was passed and approved in a coercive manner, this has remained as one of the predominant reason for the subsequent instability of the Russian Federation. Secondly, while referring to the theories proposed by various political experts on the federalism, including studies on asymmetrical federalism, we can examine the arrangement of the Russian Federalism and analyze its characteristics from its constitution’s perspective on division of powers and jurisdictions between the center and the territories. From the analyses of these experts, wherein they infer that this type of asymmetrical federalism holds potential for generating conflicts and does not have any positive influence towards the development of the federalism, even to the extent of possible undermining of the federation’s unification, we can provide some explanation for the instability of the Russian Federation. Finally, let us inspect the development of relationship between the Russian Federation and the regions from the perspective of utilization of strategies - the strategies which were employed by the Federal government and the territories (especially the ethnic republics) from the time of Russia’s initial phase of independence till the late nineteen nineties, and through the type of strategies, time progression and the distribution of spectrum, understand the synopsis of this relationship. From the development of events since the “Parade of Sovereignties” in the early nineties till the “Parade of Bilateral Treaties,” after 1994, by referring to time progression and the distribution of spectrum we can understand that the government of the Russian Federation has been deteriorating progressively –at first posing benign and offering incentives, and then eventually resorting to oppression by military might. Since it’s first conflict with Chechnya in 1994, the secessionist forces in the regions have relatively quailed, with the majority of the territories rather claiming for economic rights and autonomy. It was only after the appointment of President Vladimir Putin that these problems between the federal government and the territories were intensively looked into and dealt with. This paper utilizes the approach of new-institutionalism to analyze the Russian Federation and the ethnic autonomies. We choose the nineteen nineties period as the focus of this research and select Kalmykiya, Buryat and Tuva as the subjects for case studies. This paper allots the time beginning from the independence of Russia till the departure of President Boris Yeltsin as the primary time period for analysis, with in-depth look on ways to resolve ethnic conflicts while studying the process of development of the Russian Federation, with a hope to get a deeper understanding of how to resolve ethnic problems within a multi-ethnic nation. The whole paper is comprised of six chapters. The first chapter explains the motive of this study, the various approaches used for the study, the frameworks of this analysis and the distribution of the chapters. Taking the characteristics of nationalism in Russia, it’s ethnic groups and various related theories and policies instigating the disintegration of the former Soviet Union as the basis of study for its background aspects, the second chapter deals with nationalism and Russia, the interrelationship between the two. The third chapter probes into Russia’s democratization and its federalism. It analyzes Russia’s early stages of transition to democracy with special reference to “Pacted Transition” as the focal point. Here we study the contents and significance of the various treaties and agreements of Russia and thereafter from the theories of the federalism, we analyze the essence and features of the federalism adopted by Russia. The fourth chapter focuses on the relationship between the Russian federal government and the territories. Here we take Russia’s policies on ethnicity, the relationship between the federal government and the regions and the regional elites as the focus of our observation. The fifth chapter partakes the republics of Kalmykia, Buryat and Tuva as case studies for this research. These three republics are either descendants of the Mongol or have close association with Mongoloid ancestry. In this chapter we take a look at the policies adopted after Russia’s independence and their interaction with the center. The sixth chapter evaluates the pros and cons of Russia’s democratization and federalism. Thereafter, as the foreground of this paper, we study all the reforms in Russia, which are undertaken by the Russian Federation following the election of President Vladimir Putin, and the relationship between Russia, a multi-ethnic nation and its democratic consolidation. This paper assumes that Russia has inherited the vestiges of former Soviet Union and at the same time adorning itself with a style of a modern democracy, making it very difficult to adapt to changes following its democratization. In the nineteen nineties, the Russian federal government was quite unsuccessful in handling the secessionist forces in the regions, especially the ethnic republics. The federal government was unable to restrain the trend in regional power struggles, which became fervent after the secessionist forces tempered down. This eventually led to the use of prolonged methods of suppression by President Vladimir Putin. This paper assumes that the Russian Federation needs to make major structural changes in its system in order to adapt itself to future reforms, failing which, the regional forces will once again rise up as the center weakens, thus proving unfavorable for the development of Russia in the long-run.