京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(人間・環境学) / 甲第20466号 / 人博第816号 / 新制||人||195(附属図書館) / 28||人博||816(吉田南総合図書館) / 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科共生人間学専攻 / (主査)教授 齋藤 治之, 教授 服部 文昭, 教授 河崎 靖, 准教授 清水 政明 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Human and Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(情報学) / 甲第20736号 / 情博第650号 / 新制||情||112(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院情報学研究科社会情報学専攻 / (主査)教授 石田 亨, 教授 美濃 導彦, 教授 黒橋 禎夫 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Informatics / Kyoto University / DFAM

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(文学) / 甲第21285号 / 文博第773号 / 新制||文||662(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院文学研究科行動文化学専攻 / (主査)教授 板倉 昭二, 教授 蘆田 宏, 准教授 森口 佑介 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Letters / Kyoto University / DGAM

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(人間・環境学) / 甲第24915号 / 人博第1089号 / 新制||人||255(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科共生人間学専攻 / (主査)教授 西山 教行, 准教授 石岡 学, 准教授 小野寺 史郎, 准教授 新居 洋子 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Human and Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(人間・環境学) / 甲第24700号 / 人博第1073号 / 新制||人||251(附属図書館) / 2022||人博||1073(吉田南総合図書館) / 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科共生人間学専攻 / (主査)教授 谷口 一美, 教授 藤田 耕司, 准教授 守田 貴弘, 教授 山梨 正明 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Human and Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

本研究主要依據語言行為理論(theory of speech acts) 及語言使用的客氣理論(politeness theory) ，探討一段以要求為主題的對話中，要求者不同果斷性 (assertiveness) 的言語行為，與對話雙方性別此二因素，如何影響知覺此對話的受試(1) 記憶要求者所說目標論辭的百分比高低與論辭果斷性的強弱；(2) 推論對話雙方的權力高低與關係親密度；(3) 評價要求者所採用的言語行為與預測對話雙方長期關係的後果。 本研究採3 （言語行為的果斷性：標準果斷、同理果斷、不果斷）×4 （要求者對接 收者的性別訊息：男對女、男對男、女對女、女對男）的受試者間實驗設計，參與實 驗的三百六十位大學生受試，先閱讀某一種實驗處理情況的文字對話，然後再填寫一 份包含回憶論辭作業與各種社會判斷題目的問卷。經二因子便異數分析與單純主要效 果模式(simple main effect model)考驗的結果發現：(1) 受試對果斷性愈強的目標論辭，回憶的百分比愈高，且同理果斷的論辭由「男對女」此由「男對男」中的男要求者說出，有更高的回憶百分比；(2) 性別訊息對受試所回憶目標論辭的果斷性、權力高低、親密度、言語行為的評價與後果，比接收者的權力更高，且雙方關係愈親密；(4) 受是本人較喜歡女要求者與男接收者互動時採用同理果斷，甚於採用不果斷的言語行為；(5) 不論接收者是男或女，女要求者採用不果斷比採用標準果斷的言語行為，更有利於長期關係的後果。 鑑於上述結果，實驗者討論了本研究的意涵(implication) 與可能的限制，並對相關議題的研究者與果斷性訓練(assertiveness training;AT) 的應用者提出建議；特別是，過去十多年來為AT重視的標準果斷，並未此另兩種果斷性的言語行為，有更佳的立即評價；而近年來也頗受AT強調的同理果斷，亦未有最好的長期關係後果。實驗者認為，AT中的女性學員，學習較具果斷性的言語行為，其負面的評價與後果之議題，直的深思。

本論文藉由檢視臺灣政論節目中所使用的語用策略（直接或間接）、語言行為類別、及語言行為目的，探討政治意識型態對於語言行為產生的影響。本研究以Grice（1975）的合作原則與Searle（1969）的語言行為理論作為分析框架，並以Leech（1983）的禮貌原則解釋語用策略及語言行為在不同政論節目中的分布差異。 　　本研究從臺灣主流的政論節目當中，政治光譜兩極的政論節目「大話新聞」（泛綠）與「2100全民開講」（泛藍）採集語料；並以Searle（1965年）的語言行為理論進行分析，總共識別12類直接語言行為和26類間接語言行為。 　　研究結果顯示，（一）語用策略方面，說話者在政論節目中使用間接語言行為的頻率比直接語言行為頻繁。（二）語言行為類別方面，直接語言行為中，排序則為：斷言（Assertive）、表述（Expressive）、指示（Directive）；而間接語言行為中，各類別使用頻率由高至低排序為：表述（Expressive）、斷言（Assertive）、指示（Directive）。（三）在政治意識型態的影響方面，支持執政黨的政論節目行使較多「直接且事實導向」的語言行為，而支持反對黨的政論節目則有較多的「間接且評論導向」的語言行為。（四）「譴責」是政論節中最常使用的語言行為，並且以間接方式表達居多。（五）推論過程中，推論步驟較多的「間接譴責」語言行為在政論節目中較常被使用。（六）「大話新聞」與「2100全民開講」雖偏向不同的政治意識型態，但是它們皆以斷言類（Assertive）或指示類（Directive）的語言行為來包裝，藉以間接達到「譴責」執政黨疏失的目的。 / This thesis investigates the political-ideological influence on speech acts in Taiwan political talk shows by examining the pragmatic strategies (directness and indirectness), the speech act categories, and the illocutionary purposes performed in the talk shows. In this thesis, Gricean maxims (1975) and Searle’s theory of speech acts (1969) are adopted as the analytic frames to study how speech acts are conducted, and Leech’s (1983) notions of politeness are the theoretical basis for explaining the distributional difference of pragmatic strategies. 　　The data analyzed in this study is composed of dialogues extracted from 6 episodes of two political talk shows with opposite stances on political issues, namely DaHuaXingWen (大話新聞), the pan-green talk show, and QuanMinKaiJiang (2100全民開講), the pan-blue one. Following Searle’s scheme of speech acts (1965), this study identifies the illocutionary act of every clause in the data and recognizes 12 types of direct speech acts and 26 types of indirect speech acts in the collected data. 　　The results of quantitative analysis show that, (1) indirect speech act is generally performed more frequently than indirect speech act in political talk shows. (2) The order of frequency in direct speech acts represents as: Assertive > Expressive > Directive; and in indirect speech acts, the order of frequency is: Expressive > Assertive > Directive. (3) In terms of the political-ideological influence, the political talks show supporting the ruling party (QuanMinKaiJiang) performs direct fact-orientated speech acts more, while the show that standing in the opposition to the ruling party (DaHuaXingWen) has more indirect opinion-oriented speech acts. (4) Condemnation is the most often used illocutionary act in political talk shows, and mainly done indirectly. (5) Indirect condemnations with longer length of inferential process are preferred in political talk shows. (6) Despite that DaHuaXingWen and QuanMinKaiJiang held different political stance, they share the same pattern of expressing indirect condemnation—wrapping it in speech acts of Assertives or Directives.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze changes and constants of the Cross-Strait relationship since 1949 on the basis of a constructivist framework of International Relations theory. After having introduced basic assumptions of rule-based constructivism, mainly following Nicholas Onuf, the thesis argues that the Cross-Strait relationship can be analyzed as a social construct that has mainly been governed by the “one China” rule, which is designed and influenced by speech acts performed by relevant agents in Taiwan, China, the US, as well as academia. A summary of the historic context of Cross-Strait relationship developments (1949-2000) which highlights the circumstances of the creation of the “one China” rule as well as gradual challenges to it, is followed by a comparison between the approaches of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Kuomintang (KMT) of constructing this relationship between 2000-2008 and 2008-2011, respectively. Due to the DPP's and KMT's very different ideologies, and their antithetic definitions of Taiwan's relationship to China, there were distinct variations in their performances of speech acts, that are analyzed in the context of three discursive examples and which, together with related practices, aimed either at weakening (DPP) or strengthening (KMT) the “one China” rule as a cornerstone for Taiwan's relationship to China. Despite attempts by Taiwanese agents during the two consecutive DPP administrations to break the “one China” rule, it remains an important aspect of the Cross-Strait relationship as it is sustained, to different degrees, by agents in China, the US and the current KMT government. However, due to their adjustments over time and the development of Taiwan's democratic system, a new “status quo” rule has steadily gained momentum. Therefore, the thesis argues, that it will be crucial to see how the preferences of the Taiwanese populace with respect to their home's relationship to China will evolve in the future and how the relevant agents will respond to these developments.

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