過往對民意對外交政策的研究多聚焦於美國案例，而以「美國國內政治民意制衡機制」如國會為重要機制。本研究即試以世界報所反映的法國媒體民意與越戰期間法國與美國雙邊關係之互動為例，探討法國民意與外交政策關係之特徵。 以文獻分析法與內容分析法研究越南戰爭六個時期( 「法越奠邊府戰役」、「甘迺迪總統軍事介入越戰」、「東京灣決議案」、「春節攻勢」、「尼克森宣言」及「巴黎協議後至美國撤兵越南」)的相關文獻與法國世界報(Le Monde)文本，最後發展出法國的民意與外交決策過程簡圖如下。並由奠邊府戰役時期世界報輿論與法國外交政策、美國其中外交政策態度轉折過程，取得此時期世界報輿論意見獨立於法國對美國外交路線之例證。 圖中線條粗細代表影響力大小：行政部門對媒體、精英與大眾意見有強大影響力，而媒體的新聞框架與評論擁有第二大影響政府外交決策之作用，甚至可能還大於其他精英如國會議員對法國行政當局的影響。 另外，透過比較上述六時期世界報新聞評論與特稿內容分析，得出法國媒體民意對美國越戰作為之認知變化，此對美國行為認知與歸因的歷時性研究發現奠邊府戰役時期對美國正面認知以「求助」為主動機，而戰況慘烈如1968年春節攻勢之際，對美國越戰認知出現大量「同理心(25%)」成分。負面認知包含大量「不理性」與「好戰」，與「霸權自利」相關的負面認知則相對較小。同時，單一政策與個別領導人如詹森與尼克森任期分野也與法國民意對美國越戰作為之「不理性」認知比例差異相呼應。 關鍵字：法美雙邊關係、越南戰爭、民意、外交政策、媒體、世界報、認知

本研究的研究目的為：（一）瞭解越南小學師資培育課程綱要設置理念與內涵；（二）探討越南小學師資培育課程綱要的實務做法。因此採用資料分析研究法來分析越南小學師資培育課程內容，其研究結果指出越南小學師資培育課程綱要具有如下特徵： 一、課程帶有「政治思想與社會主義」的意味。 二、非常注重培養熟練教學內容知識及內容知識。 三、主張培養多元能力的小學教師。 四、缺乏完整教育方法學知識與教育基礎知識。 五、注重實習與研究活動，不過未有完整的實施配套。 六、專門教育課程安排待完整，缺乏選修科目空間。 依據研究結果，提出對小學師資培育課程、政府訂定師資培育政策與未來研究之建議。 / The purposes of this study are to (1) explore the contents and ideas of curriculum design in Vietnamese elementary teacher education (2) investigate the practice of the elementary teacher education curriculum in Vietnam. Using content analysis methodology, this study has obtained some results as follows: 1. The curriculum intends to contain political ideology and socialism. 2. Special attention is paid to pedagogical content knowledge and content knowledge. 3. The curriculum aims to foster the multiple competencies of elementary teachers. 4. The curriculum content is lack of the pedagogical methods and foundation theories of education knowledge. 5. The curriculum focuses on practical training and education study; however, it it does not contain complete supportive arrangements. 6. The professional courses in educational studies are still incomplete; the curriculum also lacks optional subjects. Based on the results, the study provides some suggestions for the design of the elementary teacher education curriculum, the government policy of teacher education, and future research.

越南文學發展過程，無論漢文文學及其後之喃文（國音）文學，或近世之越文（拉丁 拼音）文學，俱在形式構造及內容思想上，受到中國文學鉅大影響。 本論文之重心，厥在探討中國文學所予越南李朝文學影響者為何？將其原委試為說明 。中越民族、文化嘗密切交流，文中並概述之。論之計五章十三節，今提要如后： 第一章探討中越民族、文化交流情形。此範疇包括越南民族源起、中越民族之接觸環 境與發展過程等。並介紹為中國文化思想、倫理、宗教各方面所影響之越南社會。 第二章探討越南文學醞釀、蛻變之形態及過程。此時越南方內屬中國，政治名義乃漢 唐一郡縣。然在文學思想方面，緣於中國士人陸續避難遷居，而與越南士大夫聯合創 成「南交學派」。此學派已涵「三教同源」傾向，富創造精神而別具一格。 第三章探討李朝文學與社會、政治背景，並及各類詩文之體式。 第四章探討中國文學與越南李朝文學之關係。 第五章論及李朝文學特質及其所居越南文學史之地位。李朝文學特富禪趣，文人且善 擇漢唐文學思想，復融合老莊旨趣；形成「三教同源」之特色。此特色不見於後代， 故在成文文學而言，李朝即成先導，而奠定越南文學之堅實基礎。 本篇論文並附圖表數種，以助明瞭兩國文化、思想、民族、血統，以及文學內涵之相 互關聯。同時可由歷史、民族、文學思想等各端之發展，以見李朝文學在越南文學史 之特色與地位。 /

对于中国来说，对大国的渴望不再是这个问题，对邻近的东南亚国家实际上是有重大影响的。因此，近期国际关系奖学金已经引人注目的尝试，将“对冲”理念作为一种流行和根本的动态策略。本论文认为，越南对冲策略的选择是适当的，以便对付与中国的关系，但尚未完全保护越南的国家利益。本论文探讨了这一战略的四个关键组成部分：经济实用主义，硬平衡和软平衡。通过考虑和重新评估这些因素，研究发现了妨碍越南对冲实施的困难。此外，它还分析了大湄公河次区域（GMS）在经济领域的案例研究，以支持对经济实用主义的看法。最终得出结论，尽管越南在采取套期保值策略之后获得了一定的利益，但这些成就产生了国家安全的新风险，这可能会加剧该国在处理南海争端方面的压力。 / For China, the aspiration to great power no longer seems out of the question and this has actually a significant impact for neighboring Southeast Asian states. For this reason, there have been noticeable attempts in recent International Relations scholarship to introduce the concept of ‘hedging’ as a popular and fundamentally dynamic strategy for them. This thesis argues that the choice of Vietnam’s hedging strategy is appropriate so as to manage its relations with China, but has not yet protected Vietnam’s national interests completely. This thesis examines three of four key components of this strategy: economic pragmatism, hard balancing and soft balancing. By considering and reassessing these elements, the study finds difficulties that interfere in the implementation of Vietnam’s hedging. Furthermore, it incorporates an analysis of a case study in the economic realm, Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS) in supporting the perceptions of economic pragmatism. Ultimately, it concludes that though Vietnam gains certain interests after adopting hedging strategy, those achievements produce new risks of national security that might increase more pressures for the country in dealing with the South China Sea (SCS) disputes.

當經濟體在發展時，會因為經濟體與經濟體之間資本分配的失衡，或是資本配置的重心不同而引發不同的經濟危機產生，使得經濟體的運作失去效率。而經濟危機發生的成因很多，本研究針對以戰爭、全球工業化以及資本家投資等為主要的討論方向，造成匯率、利率以及金融體系的問題，造成經濟體物價高漲，投資降低，產出下降，最後會使得經濟體陷入成長的停滯或是衰退。本研究以2008年越南的高通膨為研究的對象，探討此次越南的經濟危機，將會對正在成長的新興市場造成什麼樣的衝擊。並提供提出一個可供參考的準則，讓未來希望投資於成長型的新興市場，一個評估的模式及依據。

本研究旨在探討中國大陸如何運用經濟工具與菲律賓、越南應處南海爭端。參照Keohane及Nye非對稱互賴理論（asymmetrical interdependence）提出之敏感性（sensitivity）、脆弱性（vulnerability）概念，本研究分析中國大陸自1997年採取「魅力攻勢（Charm Offensive）」策略，為其創造可供運用經濟誘因（economic attraction）及經濟脅迫（economic coercion）之戰略空間，期能使菲、越等經濟實力相對弱勢國家，在領土爭端方面知所退讓。然而，從經濟誘因之敏感性以觀，研究發現菲、越兩國例證，均無以支持經濟誘因能說服相對弱勢國家減緩聲索之論述。針此，研究者提出「信任（trust）」或可作為補強Keohane及Nye分析框架要項之一；意即中國大陸與其經濟夥伴之間若政治信任不足，則中國大陸欲藉提供經濟誘因，促其經濟夥伴在領土爭端有所退讓，勢必存在相當難度。另從經濟脅迫之脆弱性以觀，研究發現菲、越兩國例證顯示，有別於運用實質性手段（substantive measures）施壓造成之短期損失，採取象徵性手段（symbolic measures）所映射之高度風險與不確定性，對於威懾經濟實力相對弱勢國家，可能更具效力。 / This study explores how China has employed economic instruments in handling South China Sea disputes with the Philippines and Vietnam. Borrowing Keohane and Nye’s notations of sensitivity and vulnerability in asymmetrical interdependence, this study analyzes how China’s charm offensive strategy developed since 1997 has created tactical spaces for China to utilize economic attractions and economic coercions in making her weaker economic partners to concede in territorial disputes. In terms of sensitivity to economic attractions, nevertheless, findings in both cases fail to support the argument that economic incentives would persuade the weaker parties to refrain their claims. I argue that one of the missing elements in Keohane and Nye’s analytical framework is “trust”. Without sufficient political “trust” between China and her economic partners, economic attractions to induce concessions could hardly work. In terms of vulnerability to economic coercions, findings in both cases suggest that compared to the substantive measures stressing the short-term loss, the symbolic measures projecting to high degree of risks and uncertainties might be more effective to deter the weaker parties.

本研究針對企業赴海外上市決策面的三個構面進行探討並以台商為例，首先是探討企業赴海外上市前的動機為何，其次是企業如何選擇海外上市的地點，最後探討這些企業赴海外上市後的效益，也就是企業在海外上市的前、中、後三個不同階段所可能遭遇到的問題進行實務的探討，並以多重個案分析與類型比對的方式，以及一些台商上市現況的統計數字，希望以過去文獻中曾探討的議題來加以研究。 由於過去的研究偏重於台灣、香港、中國大陸三地市場，為了將層面擴大，特別從台商目前赴海外投資最最多的前十名的國家當中，挑出較為重要的六個國家，分別是香港、中國大陸、新加坡、美國、越南、泰國，並研究當地的已上市台商的現況，從當地上市台商所屬產業家數最多者，挑出具代表性的公司，進行個案研究及比較分析。 從個案研究發現，企業赴海外上市的動機，結果是“有利於開拓海外市場”及“易招募優秀人才”的營運面動機較多；企業海外上市地點的選擇，多半因為“市場流動性及規模及本益比”及“資金運用限制”；至於企業赴海外上市後的效益，結果是“提高公司聲譽”及“有助於產品銷售”另外，並發現香港及大陸上市後股東財富增加顯著。 最後，建議企業未來在選擇海外上市地點時，應多方面考量及評估，並非單純僅就幾個因素就決定企業海外的上市地點，應從各利害關係人的角度，去仔細思考在何處上市將是對企業最有利的。 / The research discusses three perspectives on the decision of enterprise go listing abroad and takes Taiwan enterprise as an example. Firstly, to study what are the motives of enterprises go listing abroad. Secondly, to research how enterprises choose listing place abroad. Finally, to discuss the benefits of these enterprises after go listing abroad. That is to say, to discuss the practiced issue that enterprise might encounter with the problems in the three different stages which before, in, after they go listing abroad, and analyze by way of pattern match, and the statistics of present status of some listed Taiwan enterprises with multiple cases, hope to research on the subjects has been discussed in the literature in the past. Because similar researches emphasize three stock markets in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Mainland China in the past, in order to expand the scope, especially from the top ten area invested by Taiwan enterprise at present, choosing six comparatively important area, including Hong Kong, Mainland China, Singapore, U.S.A., Vietnam, Thailand, and study the present situation of the already locally listed Taiwan enterprises, find the most ones from the local listed Taiwan enterprise's affiliated industry, choose the representative company, proceed with case study and comparative analysis. Find from case study, the motives of enterprises go listing abroad are " Contribute to exploit the overseas market " and " It is apt to recruit outstanding talents " the operation motives are more; the choices of enterprises’ overseas listing places, mostly because "Liquidity and scale and p/e ratio of stock market" and " Restriction on funding usage " ; and the benefits after listing abroad as for enterprises are " Improve company's reputation " and " Contribute to the product’s selling " In addition, the research shows shareholder's wealth increased apparently after listed in Hong Kong and Mainland China. Finally, the research suggests enterprises while choosing the listing place abroad in the future, it is considered and evaluated that should be in many aspects, not to determine the overseas listing place of enterprises alone simply rely on some factors, should think carefully in where to go listing is the most favorable to enterprise itself in terms of every interested party.

摘要 近十年來，北京已轉變它在東南亞區域的外交政策，希望與東盟成員國家能維持一定的良好關係，並發展出一個和平又互利的戰略夥伴關係。1997年到2012年之間，中國與東盟從建立對話機制開始，雙方實質上的經貿投資與聯合計畫都快速增長。從多方面顯示：不僅在政治、經濟與維持區域安全等方面，中國與東盟成員都已共享務實的合作成果，近來更大力拓展雙方的互連互通與交通基礎建設，期使共同邁向實質的中國－東盟戰略夥伴關係。 南中國海周邊各國的利害與衝突不一，是個複雜的區域；而中國與東盟成員之間的對話機制與合作關係的基礎上，有助於減緩此一緊張情勢。本報將採用文獻分析的定性研究方法告指出（實際上）（1）北京的東南亞外交政策正面臨的主要挑戰是有東盟以外國家新勢力的強力介入或是舊有勢力的急速恢復，進而互相抗衡。（2）中國被稱為有過分自信的政策規劃期間，北京在推動與東盟戰略夥伴關係，實際上中國與東盟成員關系都已共享務實的合作成果。 / Abstract China-ASEAN relations have been transformed over the last decade by Beijing’s aim to create a stable neighboring environment as outlined in its state policy of peaceful development. This relationship has been embodied in a series of joint plans and statements with ASEAN between 1997 and 2012. In the three areas of politics and security, economy, and connectivity and infrastructure, the paper will show the relationship has followed a similar pattern, that is cooperation has been deepened according to China’s aims for its relationship with Southeast Asia. While relations have continued to develop in these areas, constant focus on the issues of assertiveness and territorial disputes, particularly over the last 3 years, means that progress and development in the relationship often receives little attention. The South China Sea is a complex issue, however security-related dialogue between China and ASEAN member states will be shown to have mitigated this problem to a certain extent. The paper will show that the challenges to Beijing’s policy lies with countries from outside the sub-region and their return, or growing role in Southeast Asian affairs, and that in fact during the period when China has been labeled more ‘assertive’ its relationship with ASEAN has deepened and developed as planned. In its use of materials the paper will employ the qualitative research method of document analysis.