Submitted by Celso Magalhaes (celsomagalhaes@ufrrj.br) on 2018-08-30T13:09:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Eduardo ?ngelo da Silva.pdf: 47957661 bytes, checksum: 96713248474cd9ee81ea58efdcb3857a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-30T13:09:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Eduardo ?ngelo da Silva.pdf: 47957661 bytes, checksum: 96713248474cd9ee81ea58efdcb3857a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-10 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This work is an attempt to articulate the perspective of labor history and urban history as two complementary fields in social history. We have tried to observe how the dynamic Brazilian economy, in which the Companhia Sider?rgica Nacional (the most important steel mill in the country) has been an important protagonist, since its creation in the 1940?s, related to the ways in which this company engendered its labor force, in clash with workers mobilizations. The most important landmark in this trajectory, after the democratic years (1945-1964), is the fracture caused by the 1964 state coup in the relationship between workers and company. The changes in CSN social policies, as well as the transformations in the economic policies implemented by the new regime, would be subject to a confrontation between different interpretations formulated by distinct agents involved in this process. In our case study, Volta Redonda, we could identify as important actors involved in the social dynamics of those years ? for example, the military ? interpreted the impacts of the coup on the working class. In the other extreme of the process, we have examined the workers experience in the town, in decade of 1970?s, looking for the rearticulation of their identitary references, after those changes in the general context, that indicate the new fractures and amalgamations inside the class occurred from that moment on / Este trabalho ? uma tentativa de articula??o entre as propostas da hist?ria social do trabalho e uma hist?ria social urbana. Pretendeu-se observar como a din?mica econ?mica brasileira, da qual a Companhia Sider?rgica Nacional foi importante protagonista, desde sua cria??o nos anos 40, relacionou-se ? forma como essa ind?stria gestou sua for?a de trabalho, entrando em choque com a mobiliza??o dos trabalhadores. O marco mais importante desta trajet?ria por n?s observada ?, ap?s os anos democr?ticos (1945-1964), a fratura causada pelo Golpe de 1964 na rela??o estabelecida entre os trabalhadores e empresa. As mudan?as na pol?tica social da CSN, assim como as altera??es do modelo econ?mico vigente, se tornariam alvo de uma disputa entre diferentes interpreta??es formuladas por diferentes agentes envolvidos no processo. No caso estudado, em Volta Redonda, pudemos identificar como importantes atores envolvidos na din?mica social daqueles anos ? por exemplo, os militares ? interpretaram os impactos do Golpe sobre a classe trabalhadora. Na outra ponta da viv?ncia do processo, nos debru?amos sobre a experi?ncia dos trabalhadores da localidade, nos anos 70, buscando a rearticula??o de seus referenciais identit?rios, a partir de tal mudan?a, os quais ir?o indicar as novas fraturas e am?lgamas internos a classe, a partir de ent?o.

O objetivo deste trabalho está em propor duas companhias de dança sediadas na cidade de São Paulo (Balé Stagium e o Corpo de Baile Municipal/Balé da Cidade de São Paulo) como eixos balizadores do que viria a se firmar como balé moderno nos anos 1970. Historicamente, o diálogo da dança com o seu tempo ocorre durante o período da ditadura militar (1964 1985) e este contexto político sugere vínculos com a natureza da linguagem que veio a se consolidar, e que passou a ser identificada como balé moderno. A hipótese da dissertação é a de que a maneira como a dança dialogava com a sociedade e trazia para o palco questões políticas e éticas, muitas vezes censuradas pela ditadura militar, tem um papel relevante para o entendimento da cultura e das questões artísticas surgidas. A metodologia usada consistiu na revisão bibliográfica e pesquisa em documentos de época como fotos, vídeos, reportagens e críticas de jornais em veículos de comunicação. O resultado foi o entendimento do que representou o balé moderno na década de 70 para o público brasileiro e ao mesmo as influências européias, mesmo quando a tema se referia ao Brasil, nas produções das duas companhias aqui investigadas. / The objective of this paper to present a historical panorama about modern ballet in São Paulo by means of two companies: Balé Stagium and Corpo de Baile do Teatro Municipal. How the dance dialogs with your time and which political and ethics, a lot of times censured by the dictatorship government. The method consists of read books and search in documents like photos, videos and newspapers texts. The result was comprehension about modern ballet in 70s for Brazilian audience and Europeans influence in theses companies.

From 1958 to 1959, Mishima Yukio published a series of satirical essays titled Lessons in Immorality, in the magazine Weekly Morningstar. Lessons in Immorality was made into a television series, a stage play, and a film. Famous in the West for writing serious novels, Mishima's work as a humor writer is largely unknown. In these essays Mishima writes in a very comic style, making liberal use of hyperbole, burlesque, and travesty, in order to parody and satirize contemporary Japanese morality. Mishima uses humor to create a world in which Mishima Yukio, iconoclastic author and pop-culture figure, is an arbiter of his own honest and just morality that runs counter to the norms that Japanese at that time considered to be honest and just. Additionally, Mishima used Lessons in Immorality as a forum to discuss some of the serious concerns that are central to his famous novels. Because Mishima was writing for young men and women, he wrote about his complex philosophical and aesthetic ideals in a very humorous and accessible style. Thus, in addition to displaying Mishima's talent as a humor writer, these essays also give the reader fresh perspectives on Mishima's serious literature. In this paper, I will present the writing styles, rhetorical tools, and philosophical discussions from Lessons in Immorality that I believe make the series essential reading for anyone interested in Mishima or postwar Japanese literature.

Essa pesquisa tem como objetivo central mostrar que os projetos de integração latino-americana por meio da canção, construídos ao longo da década de 1960 e dos anos iniciais da década de 1970, não foram destruídos pelas ditaduras militares que se instalaram nesse período na América Latina. Ainda que os novos regimes tenham tido como objetivo claro aniquilar toda e qualquer experiência de arte política, tentando desarticular as redes de arte engajada que haviam se formado nos períodos pré-golpes, os artistas acabaram encontrando estratégias de sobrevivência diante do novo contexto. Aqueles que ficaram em seus países seguiram militando na clandestinidade. Mas o destino de grande parte dos músicos engajados latino-americanos na década de 1970 foi o exílio. A instalação desses grupos nos países de acolhida dependeu em grande medida da articulação de redes de solidariedade, que pretendiam dar suporte aos exilados e também organizar ações de resistência e denúncia da violência das ditaduras. Esses movimentos de solidariedade encontraram na produção de discos um caminho de ação política; refletir sobre essa rede musical de solidariedade, tomando os discos como fontes principais e objetos de análise, é um dos objetivos principais deste trabalho, a fim de entender como a mobilização da resistência passou pela veiculação de discursos políticos por meio de canções. Para além dos discos produzidos pela solidariedade, outro importante objetivo deste trabalho é refletir sobre a obra musical desenvolvida no exílio por importantes artistas ligados à nueva canción latino-americana. A consciência de que a experiência do exílio não seria tão breve e provisória quanto se havia imaginado inicialmente fez com que os músicos buscassem espaço na indústria cultural dos países de acolhida de modo a retomar suas obras fonográficas, que passaram a refletir sobre a experiência do exílio e os caminhos possíveis para a resistência ao autoritarismo. / The main aim of this research is to show that Latin American integration projects by music, built during the 1960s and early 1970s, were not destroyed by the military dictatorships that settled in Latin America by this time. Although the new regimes had the clear objective of annihilating any experience of political art, trying to destroy the networks of committed art that had been formed in the pre-coup periods, the artists ended up finding strategies of survival in the new context. Those who stayed in their countries went underground. But most of the Latin American committed musicians in the 1970s went to the exile. Their stay in the host countries was largely determined by the articulation of solidarity networks, which tried to support the exiles and also organize actions of resistance and dictatorships violence reports. These movements of solidarity found in the disc production a path of political action; one of the main aim of this work is to reflect on this \"musical network of solidarity\", taking the discs as sources and objects of analysis, in order to understand that the mobilization of the resistance has been based on the transmission of political speeches through songs. In addition to the albums produced by solidarity, another important aim of this work is to reflect on the musical work developed in exile by important artists linked to the nueva canción. The awareness that the exile experience would not be as brief as they had imagined at first made the musicians seek space in the cultural industry of the host countries in order to resume their phonographic works, which began to reflect on the experience of exile and possible ways of resistance to authoritarianism.

L'émergence du réseau ARPANET à la fin des années 60 est le produit d'un long processus d'innovation d'une quinzaine d'années, mobilisant de très nombreux acteurs et actants du « complexe militaro-scientifique-industriel » américain et entremêlant différentes lignées historiques (cybernétique, hypertexte, informatique interactive, transmission par paquets, partage des ressources informatiques, guerre froide, etc). Après une étude critique de l'historiographie d'Internet et de la mise en récit des origines prétendument militaires d'ARPANET, la thèse cherche à mettre en exergue l'hétérogénéité et l'incertitude constitutives des processus d'innovation ainsi que la multiplicité des temporalités à l'oeuvre dans l'émergence de cette infrastructure informationnelle.<br />A partir d'une posture empiriste, inspirée d'une approche anthropologique des sciences et des techniques postulant l'imbrication du social et du technique, cette thèse s'articule autour des trois axes suivants : <br />- l'exploration de ce long processus d'émergence d'ARPANET par le suivi de ses multiples composants et des réseaux socio-techniques qu'ils constituent. Une large place est consacrée à la naissance de l'informatique interactive à la charnière des années 50-60, symbolisée par les ordinateurs en temps partagé à l'origine d'un nouveau modèle informatique : l'ordinateur en réseau ;<br />- l'utilisation critique des notions du modèle de la traduction, dont l'application à l'étude d'un processus d'innovation passée et de longue durée montre certaines limites ;<br />- une réflexion sur l'histoire des outils d'information et sur les difficultés d'écriture d'une histoire « processuelle ».<br />A travers cette description de l'émergence du premier réseau informatique sont posées en filigrane les questions de la pensée des innovations et notamment la question centrale du déterminisme

On January 8th, 2011 tragedy struck in Tucson, Arizona. A gunman opened fire on Representative Gabrielle Giffords' "Congress on Your Corner" event, wounding thirteen and killing six ("Arizona Shooting"). Four days later, President Obama spoke to a grieving crowd at the University of Arizona's McKale Memorial Center. This study seeks to demonstrate how the dramatistic process and the pentad provide insight into how Obama guides the nation through the process of relieving the guilt. Specifically, Obama's call for mortification instead of scapegoating as the means for victimage is examined in light of the context and organizational structure of the speech. In addition, a pentadic analysis of the speech is conducted, showing Obama's stress on the agent-agency ratio and a corresponding idealist-pragmatist outlook. Finally, conclusions are drawn about what this study adds to the academic literature on national eulogies, the presidency, and rhetorical studies at large. / Graduation date: 2012

La monarchia britannica – soprattutto quando viene considerata nella sua evo-luzione istituzionale contemporanea – rappresenta un oggetto di studio poco affermato sia in Italia sia, sorprendentemente, nei paesi di stampo anglosassone;il presente studio si pone l'obiettivo di analizzare la figura di Elizabeth II dal punto di vista dello svolgimento dell’attività di rappresentanza all’estero e nei paesi membri del Commonwealth durante il primo ventennio del suo lunghissimo regno. L’attività pubblica della Regina – i viaggi e le visite che compie e riceve ogni anno all’estero su suggerimento del Governo e con l’aiuto organizzativo del Foreign Office e nei paesi del Commonwealth su invito dei paesi stessi – rappresenta, infatti, una lente di ingrandimento particolarmente significativa e mai utilizzata prima per l’analisi della Monarchia. / This research project wants to give a meaningful account of the role of the Queen in the foreign policy from the beginning of Her Majesty's reign in 1952 to 1972 (date of the United Kingdom's entry in the European Community). The shape of the Monarchy has often been outlined describing Her Majesty's biographical events, but in this way a research following an institutional point of view has always been left out. Instead, this type of research could enable to understand with more clarity the real contribution of the Crown in the British constitutional system. The necessity to investigate the role of the Queen does not come only from the absence of adequate and comprehensive studies about it, but derives from the belief that Elizabeth II — despite her full respect of the constitutional practices — had effectively guided Her realms through those difficult years which have seen the dismantlement of the Empire, the birth of the New Commonwealth, the tortuous path towards the European integration and the terrible and dangerous tensions caused by the Cold War. The role of Her Majesty as Head of State and as Head of the Commonwealth, as well the tenacious practice of the three fundamental rights enunciated by Bagehot — the right to be consulted, the right to encourage, the right to warn —, make this research more than motivated. Moreover, the particular attention dedicated to the trips and the visits of the Queen shows that these moments have more than a symbolical value in the international relations. As the nature of this project is purely innovative, this research has been carried out using mainly archives sources.

Jean-Luc Godard and Jean-Pierre Gorin made in 1970 a “political film politically” about the Palestinian Revolution, Jusqu’à la victoire, which remained unfinished. Under the framework of their audio-visual research project, Sonimage, Godard edited the Palestinian footage with Anne-Marie Miéville. Working through the collapse of the revolutionary project, imaging the Palestinian resistance became a matter of the restitution of speech to the absent and to the dead Palestinians – to whom, as Godard laments self-critically in the film, they had not listened to. Godard’s and Miéville’s compass for action was reconfigured as “audiovisual journalism,” addressing the changing conditions in political engagement, challenging the mediatization of mediation prompted by the Leftist utopian belief in the emancipatory potential of the media. The hegemonic discourse circulating within Leftist intellectual culture abandoned the iconic referent of “The Revolution,” which became the fatal harbinger of totalitarianism. Since then, Third World subjects have been figured as terrorists or victims who are incapable of determining themselves politically, or to “develop” economically. Such a turn has given leeway to new models of engagement and emancipation that account for the real of reality, embedded in the non-discourse of rights or counter-memory, while beckoning for a politics of infinite restitution. Godard returned to the Palestine Question thirty years later in Notre musique, by stopping-over in post-war Sarajevo, a place where it became possible for Godard to host a gathering of the Trojan poets and storytellers of sorts. Reconciliation and rehabilitation are the reverse-shot of a world of violent ethnic strife evidencing the futility of the politization of forgiveness. By way of a montage, Godard vouches for the mobilization of the powers of the false in order to save the real. The beautiful becomes necessary to “cover” memories of catastrophe. The aesthetico-political task is the regulation of the distance between the viewer and the screen. The conditions are the belief in images, faith and the desire to see as our links to the world. Within the pervasiveness of the hyperreal and culture, which Godard equates to ruins, the exiles and vanquished call for the exception, which is art.

Jean-Luc Godard and Jean-Pierre Gorin made in 1970 a “political film politically” about the Palestinian Revolution, Jusqu’à la victoire, which remained unfinished. Under the framework of their audio-visual research project, Sonimage, Godard edited the Palestinian footage with Anne-Marie Miéville. Working through the collapse of the revolutionary project, imaging the Palestinian resistance became a matter of the restitution of speech to the absent and to the dead Palestinians – to whom, as Godard laments self-critically in the film, they had not listened to. Godard’s and Miéville’s compass for action was reconfigured as “audiovisual journalism,” addressing the changing conditions in political engagement, challenging the mediatization of mediation prompted by the Leftist utopian belief in the emancipatory potential of the media. The hegemonic discourse circulating within Leftist intellectual culture abandoned the iconic referent of “The Revolution,” which became the fatal harbinger of totalitarianism. Since then, Third World subjects have been figured as terrorists or victims who are incapable of determining themselves politically, or to “develop” economically. Such a turn has given leeway to new models of engagement and emancipation that account for the real of reality, embedded in the non-discourse of rights or counter-memory, while beckoning for a politics of infinite restitution. Godard returned to the Palestine Question thirty years later in Notre musique, by stopping-over in post-war Sarajevo, a place where it became possible for Godard to host a gathering of the Trojan poets and storytellers of sorts. Reconciliation and rehabilitation are the reverse-shot of a world of violent ethnic strife evidencing the futility of the politization of forgiveness. By way of a montage, Godard vouches for the mobilization of the powers of the false in order to save the real. The beautiful becomes necessary to “cover” memories of catastrophe. The aesthetico-political task is the regulation of the distance between the viewer and the screen. The conditions are the belief in images, faith and the desire to see as our links to the world. Within the pervasiveness of the hyperreal and culture, which Godard equates to ruins, the exiles and vanquished call for the exception, which is art.

Est-ce l'éducation des femmes ou celle des hommes qui a le plus d'influence sur le PIB par habitant dans les pays en voie de développement? C'est à cette question que tente de répondre ce mémoire. Le cadre d'étude repose sur des données empiriques de type transversal (1970-1985) pour 94 pays et s'inspire le plus simplement du modèle de croissance endogène de Benhabib et Spiegel (1994) où l'éducation n'entre plus comme un intrant supplémentaire dans la fonction de production, mais comme un déterminant de l'accumulation de nouvelles techniques. Cette proposition permet de mettre en place deux méthodologies distinctes: une première portant sur l'estimation directe de la fonction de production où le progrès technique est une fonction des variables éducation et écart de niveaux technologiques avec les États-Unis et une deuxième où ces variables expliquent directement la productivité totale des facteurs, moteur de croissance. Pour une évaluation rigoureuse du rôle de la scolarisation des filles et des garçons, la mesure du capital humain est celle proposée par Hall et Jones (1999) qui introduit les discontinuités d'efficacité des années d'école selon le niveau d'étude. La méthode d'estimation tient compte du biais d'endogénéité que posent les variables d'éducation et d'écart de niveaux technologiques afin de fournir des résultats robustes à la problématique. Ceux-ci correspondent à l'intuition économique: le niveau du capital humain a eu un rôle positif et significatif dans la détermination du taux de croissance, à travers une accélération d'absorption des technologies existantes à l'étranger pour les pays les plus pauvres, par la capacité à innover et à développer de nouvelles techniques pour les pays les plus riches. Fait étonnant, dans le cas des pays possédant les possibilités de rattrapage les plus élevées, lorsqu'on compare la contribution relative de l'éducation des hommes par rapport à celle des femmes, seule la scolarisation de ces dernières a permis d'expliquer de façon significative les différences internationales de taux de croissance du PIB par travailleur et du progrès technique. Cela suppose que la croissance des pays en développement a été d'autant plus forte qu'ils avaient un retard technologique important à rattraper, mais uniquement à condition que le niveau d'éducation des femmes ait été assez élevé pour permettre ce rattrapage. Ce résultat donne ainsi un nouveau support empirique à l'hypothèse que l'éducation des femmes constitue un ingrédient important, voire essentiel, dans les stratégies de développement des pays pauvres.______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Croissance de long terme, PIB par habitant, Productivité totale des facteurs, Développement économique, Pays en voie de développement, Capital humain, Éducation des garçons, Éducation des filles.