The Egyptian 2011 revolution is presented in media - as well as statements made by organisations participating in the overthrowing of Hosni Mubarak's regime - as a social media revolution. Despite the fact that internet has been shut down on the government's order on 28th January, just after three days of street protests, therefore forcing the social media revolution to go offline. This paper describes the role of social media in the events of the beginning of the revolution. It focuses on the official Facebook communication of two prominent anti-Mubarak organisations - We Are All Khalid Said and April 6th Youth Movement - in the period between 1st January and 11th February, the day when Hosni Mubarak resigned. The result of my research is that Facebook was only one of possible tools of communication actively employed by both of the organisations. While We Are All Khalid Said used Facebook not only to spread information but also to coordinate demonstrations - as well as constantly promoting Facebook as the tool that ignited the revolution, the activist group wasn't able to breach the internet blockade, and after the renewal of internet connection, it started using its Facebook account mainly as an information platform - which was the role that Facebook played for April 6th Youth Movement throughout...

Este trabalho analisa os principais pontos controvertidos introduzidos pela Lei 12.403, de 4 de maio de 2011, no tocante à prisão preventiva, à luz dos modelos estrangeiros e do sistema interamericano de Direitos Humanos, sempre pautado pela busca de equilíbrio entre o garantismo e a eficiência. O principal objetivo do trabalho foi buscar subsídios para a interpretação das disposições internas controvertidas, pautando-se nos modelos e standards internacionais, com o intuito de se aprofundar o estudo do tema. Para se chegar ao contexto de edição da referida lei e melhor compreendê-la, analisam-se as influências que deram origem ao atual Código de Processo Penal e a sua fisionomia originária, que possuía, sobretudo no tema da prisão preventiva, contexto marcadamente autoritário. Após, são analisadas as diversas alterações pelas quais o Código sofreu em relação ao tema, sob o influxo de movimentos internacionais existentes no século XX, que culminaram com a edição da Lei 12.403. Em seguida, é analisada a Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos, especialmente tendo em vista a jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, buscando verificar os standards internacionais relativos ao tema da prisão preventiva, de força vinculante e autoaplicáveis no direito interno. Também é analisado o direito comparado, buscando-se apoio em três países (Itália, Portugal e Chile), seja porque inspiraram diretamente a Lei 12.403, seja porque passaram por reformas semelhantes às introduzidas pela Lei 12.403. Com suporte na doutrina e jurisprudência destes países, clareiam-se diversos pontos controvertidos da nova Lei. Ao final, buscou-se apresentar algumas propostas para interpretação da prisão preventiva, sendo que, para tanto, foram propostos e analisados cinco modelos de prisão preventiva atualmente existentes no ordenamento nacional (prisão preventiva originária, derivada, esclarecedora, sancionatória e protetiva). / This work analyses the main controversial issues introduced by the Law 12.403, enacted on May 4th, 2011, regarding preventive detention in the light of foreign models and the Inter-American Human Rights System, always guided by the search for the balance between efficiency and the system of guarantees. The main objective was to seek grants for the interpretation of the controversial internal rules, always focusing on models and international standards, in order to deepen the study of the subject. To understand the context of the Law 12.403 and understand it better, we analyse the influences that gave rise to the current Criminal Procedure Code and its original physiognomy, which had, especially, on the issue of custody, a markedly authoritarian context. After, the text analyses the different changes the Code suffered, under the influence of international movements in the twentieth century, culminating in the enactment of the Law 12.403. Then, this work analyses the American Convention on Human Rights, especially in the view of the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, seeking to verify the international standards related to the subject of preventive detention, which is binding and self-applicable internally. It is also analysed the comparative law, seeking support in three countries (Italy, Portugal and Chile), either because they directly inspired the Law 12.403 or because they went through similar reforms as those introduced by the Law 12.403. Supported in the doctrine reforms and case law of these countries, many controversial aspects of the new law are lightened up. At the end, we present some proposals for the interpretation of the provisional detention, and, the five detention models currently existing in the national law (original, derived, clarifying, punitive and protective detention), are analysed.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-09T13:03:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 João Leopoldo e Silva.pdf: 6402288 bytes, checksum: d3b037e7023d3505e8659d9ef856d0eb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-09T13:03:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 João Leopoldo e Silva.pdf: 6402288 bytes, checksum: d3b037e7023d3505e8659d9ef856d0eb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-08 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This research aims to analyze two journalistic productions regarding to the recent phenomena that led to the expansion of the paramilitary group Daesh into a 'Caliphate', the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Several media companies sent correspondents and journalists who, through news, sought to keep their viewers connected and informed about the ongoing war. Two productions among the great tangle of information available on the internet stand out in this matter: the documentary The Islamic State (2014), produced by the American news company Vice, and the magazine Dabiq (2014-2016) produced by the ISIS itself. Tied with the studies of audiovisual, journalistic and recent sources, the research seeks to follow the 'History of the Present', addressing issues focused on the media construction of EIIL in order to discuss the nuances, approximations and distancing of both productions in focus / A presente pesquisa busca analisar duas produções jornalísticas sobre o fenômeno recente da expansão do grupo paramilitar islâmico Daesh em um ‘Califado’, o chamado Estado Islâmico do Iraque e do Levante (EIIL). Diversas companhias de comunicação enviaram correspondentes e jornalistas que, através de notícias, buscaram manter seus espectadores conectados e informados sobre a guerra em andamento. Duas produções dentre o grande emaranhado de informações disponíveis na internet se destacam neste sentido: o documentário The Islamic State (2014), produzido pela companhia norte-americana de notícias Vice, e a revista Dabiq (2014-2016) realizada e produzida pelo próprio EIIL. Ancorada nos estudos perante fontes audiovisuais e jornalísticas, a pesquisa visa ir ao encontro da ‘História do Presente’ abordando questões voltadas à construção midiática do EIIL de maneira a discutir as nuances, aproximações e distanciamentos das produções em foco

Amid the 2011 Arab Revolts, and the subsequent worldwide Occupy movement, social movement scholars faced sudden, powerful mass mobilisations without easily identifiable resources, networks, or forms of organisation underlying them. These instances of mobilisation beyond the scope of what we traditionally consider ‘the movement’ have stretched existing theories of social movements to their limits, defying both conventional theoretical frameworks and existing approaches. This work undertakes a novel analysis of mobilisation which accounts for these new, disruptive cases. It advances the concept of Affinity: a predisposition to participate in certain causes based on social or psychological traits. Alongside this concept, it outlines conditions of Convergence: emergent situations, frames and spaces which encourage those with such Affinity to temporarily participate in mass mobilisations. These two concepts are advanced and developed through a study of the 2011 Egyptian Revolt and Occupy Wall Street movement, alongside the classic case of the 1789 French Revolution. These cases are analysed in comparative perspective to develop a powerful analytical tool with which scholars can augment conventional analyses: The Affinity-Convergence Model of Mobilisation.

O objetivo central deste artigo é identificar quais entraves culturais e burocráticos impactaram o processo de implantação da política de transparência no estado do Rio Grande do Sul no período de 2011 a 2014, considerando a trajetória nacional de desenvolvimento da transparência. A dimensão instrumental da transparência ao regime democrático permite a ampliação dos mecanismos de acesso às informações públicas, com a finalidade de consecução dos mecanismos de accountability. A transparência é uma estratégia de diminuição do segredo e do obscuro no quotidiano estatal. Essa circunstância pretende possibilitar que os governos sejam mais responsáveis frente aos cidadãos. Assim, a cultura da transparência entra em disputa com a cultura do segredo, uma vez que, para o seu desenvolvimento, há necessidade de interferir nas relações de poder consolidadas dentro da estrutura estatal. A análise dos entraves à execução da política de transparência decorre da experiência empírica como gestora da política de transparência no RS. Por fim, as mudanças geram resistências, interferindo no resultado final da implementação da política de transparência. Esses resultados não decorrem, exclusivamente, da vontade política do governante ou da força de resistência da burocracia, mas, precisamente, da relação de força entre eles. / This study aims to identify which cultural and bureaucratic obstacles affected the process of implementing the transparency policy in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, in the period of 2011-2014, taking into account the national trajectory of the development of transparency. The instrumental dimension of transparency to the democratic regime allows the expansion of the mechanisms that grant access to public information in order to achieve accountability mechanisms. Transparency is a strategy to dwindle the secrecy and obscurity of the state’s daily life; it aims at making governments more accountable to their citizens. Thus, the culture of transparency is in dispute with the culture of secrecy, since there is a need to interfere in the consolidated power relations within the state structure for transparency to flourish. The analysis of the obstacles to the implementation of the transparency policy stems from my empirical experience as manager of the transparency policy in Rio Grande do Sul. Finally, the changes generate resistance, interfering in the outcome of the implementation of the transparency policy. These results do not derive exclusively from the political will of the ruler or from the resistance force of the bureaucracy, but precisely from the relation of force between them.

A presente tese teve como objetivo discutir acerca dos programas e ações públicos de internacionalização da educação superior durante o primeiro mandato da presidente Dilma Rousseff e o seu possível alinhamento com a política externa brasileira do período. Mesmo que as Instituições de Ensino Superior (IES) possuam autonomia para desenvolver seus projetos de internacionalização, os mesmos têm maior sucesso se forem amparados por uma política nacional que vá convergir com os seus objetivos institucionais.Assim, para responder à questão-problema desta tese, foi desenvolvida uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental acerca das ações e programas desenvolvidos no período de 2011 a 2014, bem como da política externa brasileira do período. De maneira complementar, foram realizadas entrevistas em profundidade com um painel de experts formado por três atores-chave acerca da temática proposta. Apesar de identificarem-se algumas ações convergentes, os resultados encontrados apontam para um não-alinhamento entre a construção e execução dos programas de internacionalização promovidos pelo governo federal, destacadamente o Ciência sem Fronteiras, e a política externa brasileira do período. / The present dissertation aimed to discuss about the programs and public actions of internationalization of the higher education during the first term of the president Dilma Rousseff and its possible alignment with the Brazilian foreign policy of the period. Even though Higher Education Institutions have the autonomy to develop their internationalization projects, they are more successful if they are supported by a national policy that converges with their institutional objectives. Thus, to answer the question of this dissertation, a bibliographical and documentary research was developed on the actions and programs developed in the period from 2011 to 2014, as well as the Brazilian foreign policy of the period. In addition, in-depth interviews were conducted with a panel of experts composed of three key actors on the proposed theme. Although some convergent actions are identified, the results show a non- alignment between the construction and execution of the internationalization programs promoted by the government, notably Science without Borders, and the Brazilian foreign policy of the period.

The goal for this master thesis is to develop a prototype that uses ultra-wideband (UWB) communications to wirelessly transfer electrocardiogram (ECG) data from an ECG measurement unit to an Android device (smartphone or similar) which is used to process and display the ECG signals. The prototype should consist of two hardware nodes; (1) Node one having a ECG measurement unit (an AD8232 single lead heart rate monitor), an UWB communication module (a Decawave DWM1000 module) and a microcontroller (an Arduino DUE); and (2) Node two having an Android device (an Android smartphone), an UWB communication module (a Decawave DWM1000 module) and a microcontroller (an Arduino DUE). On Node one the AD8232 monitor for ECG measurements is connected to an analog input (with an analog to digital converter (ADC)) on the Arduino and the DWM1000 module is connected to the Arduino via serial peripheral interface (SPI). On Node two the DWM1000 is connected to the Arduino via SPI to receive ECG data from Node one, and the Arduino is connected to the smartphone through a serial USB cable with an USB on-the-go adapter to send the ECG data to the smartphone, where it is filtered and displayed with an Android application. The application has the potential to add, for example, ECG analysis for diagnosing heart activities with artificial intelligence (AI) and further transmit the ECG data for remote medical care. The Arduino is programmed in Arduino IDE (integrated development environment) to handle ECG measurements and UWB communications (transmitting and receiving ECG data), which is limited to a single UWB channel because of limitations of the DWM1000 module. The Android application is created using Android studio, and it can process (with a notch filter) and display 1-12 channel ECG. The prototype has been built and tested. The results show that a single lead ECG measurement can be sent via UWB communication to a smartphone to display in real time. Multiple data channels (1-12 analog inputs on the Arduino) can be multiplexed, transmitted and displayed in real time. This thesis concludes that UWB has huge development potential, and will likely be used for various wireless devices in the future.

Jusqu’aux évènements du 11 septembre 2001, le discours produit et véhiculé par les médias saoudiens est resté figé dans un archaïsme complet, et ce tant sur le plan de la construction que celui de la transmission. Dépourvu de toute objectivité et d’inventivité, ce discours s’est distingué par son aversion pour les véritables questions sociales,politiques et culturelles qui taraudent la société saoudienne depuis que le pays est devenu le premier producteur mondial du pétrole et le premier importateur – dans la région du Golfe Arabo-persique - des produits manufacturés.Le présent travail tente de donner une lecture de l’évolution du discours des médias saoudiens après les évènements de 11 septembre 2001. Un corpus de 113 articles choisis, publiés par la presse locale, a fait l’objet d’une analyse approfondie visant à suivre cette évolution et en cerner les contours. L’examen de ce corpus nous a permis d’identifier l’émergence, au sein de la société saoudienne, de deux courants de pensée. Le premier courant est qualifié de libéral et est représenté par de nombreux intellectuels influents qui œuvrent pour plus de réformes et d’ouverture de la culture saoudienne sur l’étranger. Quant au courant opposé, il est incarné par les défenseurs d’une ligne traditionnelle qui estiment que l’ouverture sur l’Occident constituerait une menace sur l’identité et la culture saoudiennes. / Until the events of September 11, 2001, the discourse conveyed by the Saudi media has remained confined in a complete archaism, both on the level of construction and transmission. Devoid of any objectivity and creativity, this discourse has been characterized by its aversion for the real social, political and cultural issues that havepreoccupied the Saudi society since this country became the first oil producer in the world and the first importer-in the Arab Persian Gulf- of manufactured products.This work attempts to provide a reading of the evolution of the Saudi media discourse after the events of September 11, 2001. A corpus of 113 selected articles published by the local press has been given a thorough analysis to follow this evolution and identify its contours. The examination of this corpus has allowed us to identify the emergence, within the Saudi society, of two modes of thinking. The first one is qualified as liberal andis represented by many influential intellectuals working for more reforms and for the opening of the Saudi culture to the outside. As for the opposite mode of thinking, it is embodied by the defenders of a traditional line who estimate that the opening to the West would constitute a threat to the Saudi identity and culture.

Submitted by Samira Prince (prince@ufpa.br) on 2012-10-18T13:58:28Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_OlharAtrasEscrita.pdf: 15801172 bytes, checksum: fa97cb44eee46a08180f5ccf73968127 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva(arosa@ufpa.br) on 2012-10-22T14:27:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_OlharAtrasEscrita.pdf: 15801172 bytes, checksum: fa97cb44eee46a08180f5ccf73968127 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-22T14:27:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_OlharAtrasEscrita.pdf: 15801172 bytes, checksum: fa97cb44eee46a08180f5ccf73968127 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Os trabalhos sobre os intelectuais brasileiros com atividades na Amazônia têm número reduzido e geralmente contêm lacunas, principalmente quando são analisados fora do contexto social, o que contribui para o desconhecimento das ideias desses pensadores. Assim, esta dissertação opta por metodologia de análise do pensamento de Benedito Nunes, com base em seus textos referentes à região amazônica, relacionando-os aos respectivos contextos de criação. Benedito nasceu e sempre morou em Belém. Tem produção intelectual expressiva. Notabilizou-se, no Brasil e no exterior, atuando nas áreas de filosofia e de crítica literária. Desenvolveu trabalhos seminais sobre Heidegger, Nietzsche, Guimarães Rosa e Clarice Lispector. Mas o pensador paraense também elaborou ensaios, concedeu entrevistas, escreveu prefácios, participou de debates e apresentou palestras com reflexões sobre história, sociedade e culturas da Amazônia, do Pará e de Belém. Nessa linha, portanto, reflete a respeito da sua própria região, aspecto que permite identificá-lo com o campo de estudos do pensamento social brasileiro. Este documento analisa onze textos do autor em pauta, devidamente contextualizados, com o objetivo de apresentar uma possibilidade nova de leitura da obra do professor Benedito: como intérprete da Amazônia que usa, para entender a região, o patrimônio do pensamento universal que apreendeu com sua esmerada formação. Assim, a dissertação inaugura a inclusão, como objeto de pesquisa das ciências sociais, dessa parte menos revelada do acervo interdisciplinar de Benedito, constituído durante trajetória intelectual singular. / The works about Brazilian intellectuals with activities in Amazon are small numbered and usually have gap, mainly when they are analysed out of social context, which makes it harder to know the ideas of those thinkers. In this sense, this dissertation chooses an analysis methodology of Benedito Nunes' thinking based on his texts concerning the Amazon region and relating them with its respective creation contexts. Benedito Nunes was born and always lived in Belém. He has an expressive intellectual production. He won admiration, in Brazil and abroad, for his engagement in the field of philosophy and literary criticism. He wrote seminal papers about Heidegger, Nietzsche, Guimarães Rosa and Clarice Lispector. But the thinker from Pará also wrote essays, granted interviews, wrote forewords, took part in debates and delivered lectures on reflections on history, society and culture from the Amazon, Pará and Belém. In this sense, therefore, he reflects about his own region, and this aspect allows relate him to the study field of Brazilian social thinking. This document analyzes 11 texts by the author in question, duly contextualized, aiming to present a new possibility of reading the works of professor Benedito: as Amazon interpreter that uses, in order to understand the region, the heritage of universal thought that he learned during his accomplished studies. Thus, this dissertation champions the inclusion, as research object of social sciences, of this less revealed part of Benedito's interdisciplinary collection, built during singular intellectual trajectory.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:42:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gilberto Pereira de Souza.pdf: 1993278 bytes, checksum: e633d1643a8bc90b6c37458a60fa271a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-18 / Instituto Presbiteriano Mackenzie / This research approaches on the politics and actions of the professional formation of docent in the Basics Education of São Paulo during the period 1996-2011, specific teachers of the second cycle of Fundamental practice and High School , in the context of the education reform initialized in the second half of the 1990 decade, then started a process of commodification of the teaching in São Paulo and Brazil, establishing the relationship between professional formation and work conditions in the Basics Education in São Paulo in the period quoted above. Analyzes the educational policies formulated by multilateral organisms, like UNESCO, OMC and Mundial Bank, they reflexes in the commodification of education that entails in the privatization and the foundation of an educational market in the Basics Education subsidized with public funds, allowing the transformation of education in a source of private accumulation of capital. Analyzes the relation between the commodification of Basics Education in the state of São Paulo, the policies and actions of professional docent formation of state government and the conditions of magisterium of São Paulo from the study of legislation and documents regarding the career of the magisterium. Concludes then the commodification of education exist in the root of the precariousness of the docent work. / Esta dissertação aborda as políticas e ações de formação profissional docente na Educação Básica paulista no período 1996-2011, especialmente para professores do ciclo II do Ensino Fundamental e do Ensino Médio, no contexto das reformas educacionais iniciadas na segunda metade da década de 1990 que começaram um processo de mercantilização do ensino em São Paulo e no Brasil; estabelecendo a relação entre formação profissional e condições de trabalho na Educação Básica paulista no período supra citado. Analisa as políticas educativas formuladas por organismos multilaterais como UNESCO, OMC e Banco Mundial, seus reflexos na Mercantilização da educação que implica na privatização e criação de um mercado educativo na Educação Básica subsidiado com verbas públicas, que permite a transformação da educação em uma fonte de acúmulo privado de capital. Analisa a relação entre a mercantilização da Educação Básica no estado de São Paulo, as políticas e ações de formação profissional docente do governo estadual e as condições de trabalho do magistério paulista a partir do estudo da legislação e documentos referentes a carreira do magistério. Por fim, conclui que a mercantilização da educação está na raiz da precarização do trabalho docente.