Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The purpose of this thesis is threefold. Firstly, to attempt to provide validity for the two-sided matching process; secondly, analyze FITREP attributes to determine their suitability for a weighted criteria evaluation system and; thirdly, compare the USMC promotion and assignment process with contemporary human resource management practices. Using data from the USMC Officer Accession Career file (MCCOAC), a logit model is used to estimate the effects of TBS preference and other officer characteristics on retention to the seven year mark. Findings indicate that there was little difference in the probability of retention throughout most preference levels except for the bottom sixth. Using USMC FITREP data, an ordinary least squares model is used to estimate the effects of rank and MOS on FITREP scores across all attributes. Multiple comparison tests demonstrated that there are statistical differences at the 0.05 level between the means of the MOSs. Additionally, reporting creep is continuing across all attributes. Surveys were also conducted. The first survey indicated that USMC officers believe the FITREP attributes were not all equally important within, and across each MOS - although the USMC assesses them as such. The second survey indicated that the USMC promotion and assignment process can be strengthened through a clearly defined HRM plan that extends beyond 'faces' and 'places', and provides very clear links to the organizational strategy. Based on the findings it is recommended that the USMC review its HRM processes and conduct further analyses on the FITREP data for: (1) correlation, (2) longitudinal analysis as a predictor for success and, (3) relevance and relationship to MOS characteristics, position descriptions, and organizational strategy. / Major, Royal Australian Infantry Corps / Major, United States Marine Corps

La Turquie va-t-elle adhérer à l'Union européenne? Sa candidature a toujours été sujette à critiques: droits de l'homme non respectés, restrictions des droits et libertés, notamment de la liberté d'expression, de religion et des droits politiques. Les dossiers sensibles comme le problème kurde et la question chypriote sont à l'origine des multiples plaintes contre l'État turc devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Dotée des caractéristiques essentielles d'un État moderne et laïque, le pays dispose de structures formellement démocratiques, mais sa démocratie se révèle fragile: ses politiques tant internes qu'externes sont décidées par un Conseil national de sécurité composé pour l'essentiel de militaires. En outre, l'armée qui a pris le pouvoir à maintes reprises a donné au régime une dimension autoritaire. Cela non seulement en vertu des principes fondateurs de la République (tradition centralisatrice de l'État turc), mais aussi de la priorité que l'institution militaire accorde à la sécurité, à l'unité et à l'identité nationales. En effet, les mesures d'exception (état d'urgence, cours de sûreté de l'État, loi anti-terroriste) ont contribué aux violations des droits de l'homme, d'où l'opposition entre le droit conventionnel et le droit national. De plus, le système judiciaire et administratif instauré par les militaires en 1982 n'est pas conçu dans l'intérêt des justiciables. Certes, l'accès à la modernité n'a pu se faire que sous la contrainte et le contrôle de l'armée, mais le régime en Turquie peut-il continuer à s'appuyer sur les«piliers de l'ordre» que sont l'armée, la police et la justice ? L’État semble cependant se réorganiser progressivement pour permettre au pouvoir politique d'assurer un contrôleur les forces de sécurité et pour donner une meilleure indépendance à la justice. Le processus mis en route et les critères imposés pour l'adhésion à l'UE devraient contribuer à mettre en œuvre les réformes institutionnelles capables d'harmoniser la démocratie à l'État de droit, à l'image des pays européens. En effet, les changements récents sont liés à l'agenda européen. Le gouvernement turc semble être déterminé et ambitieux dans sa vocation européenne. Les progrès réalisés pour intégrer l'UE lui sont un moteur de propulsion devant servir au pays et à sa population. / The issue of the accession of Turkey to the European Union is one of the most controversial topics as regards to human rights. The sensitive issues such as the kurdish problem and the conflict with Cyprus are the main cause of the most restrictions of the rights and freedoms and complaints lodged against the Turkish State before the European court of Human Rights. Turkey has the essential characteristics of a modern and secular state, but its democracy prove to be fragile. Thus, the powerful role of the army in many areas of political life can be explained by the malfunctioning of the democracy, giving to the régime an authoritative aspect. The Turkish army is seen as the guardian of the unity, security and identity of the nation. Indeed, the access to modernity is due to the control of the army, but the régime in Turkey needs to undertake major policy reforms to converge with European Union policies. The judicial and administrative system set by the army in 1982 does not sufficiently protect the justiciable. The exceptional measures such as state of emergency, security state courts, anti-terrorist law contributed to the violation of human rights and emphasized the contradiction between conventional law and national law. Turkey has made progress towards modifying its legal system in order to give more independence and impartiality. The accession partnership will certainly enable Turkey to review its Constitution and relevant legislation in providing basic freedoms, the rule of law and respect of human rights in conformity with the European Union's own standards. Turkey's inclusion in the enlargement process has not only increased European Union leverage over Turkish politics, but revitalized Turkey's European vocation.

稀土作為國防工業和科技產品之主要原料，因其材質具有特殊性及不可替代性，故原料供給來源之穩定有其重要性。目前全球稀土90％以上皆產於中國，然中國近年來積極地對於稀土之開採及出口，透過配額及許可證、出口關稅、價格控制、開採量限制等，對稀土採取管制措施，造成各國製造能源科技設備原料短缺，而引發美國、日本、歐盟等科技產品製造大國的不滿。 本文以GATT 1994及中國入會議定書對貨品貿易所作之承諾，作為分析中國稀土出口限制政策之法律依據，並主要參考「中國－原物料案（China-Raw Materials）」之小組裁決，輔以「中國－視聽服務案（China- Audiovisual Services）」之裁決，探究違反中國入會議定書承諾之稀土出口管制措施，是否有援用GATT 1994第20條一般例外條款之正當性，並對於中國稀土出口管制政策於WTO規範下之適法性進行分析，最後作出結論。 / The rare earths are essential for many hundreds of applications. The versatility and specificity of the rare earths has given them a level of technological, environmental, and economic importance considerably greater than might be expected from their relative obscurity. China supplies over 90 percent of rare earths globally, but has applied a series of restraints to limit the exportation and production of rare earths, including export duties and export quotas, and price and production control , leadind to raise serious concerns among industry in the U.S., Japan and European Unions. This thesis takes GATT 1994 and the Protocol of the People’s Republic of China (hereinafter China’s Accession Protocal) as the legal basis to analyze China’s rare earths export restriction measures. And in order to examine whether these dispute measures are pursuant to the WTO’s agreements, and whether Article XX of the GATT 1994 is available as a defense under China’s Accession Protocal, this thesis takes China-Raw Materials and China- Audiovisual Services’s ruling as the main references, and providing the conclusion of the study.

Am 11. September des Jahres 1830 notierte der Maler Caspar David Friedrich: „Ich lebe nun seit einigen dreißig Jahren in Dresden, aber noch nie habe ich so viele freudige Gesichter gesehen als gestern.“

La Turquie va-t-elle adhérer à l'Union européenne? Sa candidature a toujours été sujette à critiques: droits de l'homme non respectés, restrictions des droits et libertés, notamment de la liberté d'expression, de religion et des droits politiques. Les dossiers sensibles comme le problème kurde et la question chypriote sont à l'origine des multiples plaintes contre l'État turc devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Dotée des caractéristiques essentielles d'un État moderne et laïque, le pays dispose de structures formellement démocratiques, mais sa démocratie se révèle fragile: ses politiques tant internes qu'externes sont décidées par un Conseil national de sécurité composé pour l'essentiel de militaires. En outre, l'armée qui a pris le pouvoir à maintes reprises a donné au régime une dimension autoritaire. Cela non seulement en vertu des principes fondateurs de la République (tradition centralisatrice de l'État turc), mais aussi de la priorité que l'institution militaire accorde à la sécurité, à l'unité et à l'identité nationales. En effet, les mesures d'exception (état d'urgence, cours de sûreté de l'État, loi anti-terroriste) ont contribué aux violations des droits de l'homme, d'où l'opposition entre le droit conventionnel et le droit national. De plus, le système judiciaire et administratif instauré par les militaires en 1982 n'est pas conçu dans l'intérêt des justiciables. Certes, l'accès à la modernité n'a pu se faire que sous la contrainte et le contrôle de l'armée, mais le régime en Turquie peut-il continuer à s'appuyer sur les«piliers de l'ordre» que sont l'armée, la police et la justice ? L’État semble cependant se réorganiser progressivement pour permettre au pouvoir politique d'assurer un contrôleur les forces de sécurité et pour donner une meilleure indépendance à la justice. Le processus mis en route et les critères imposés pour l'adhésion à l'UE devraient contribuer à mettre en œuvre les réformes institutionnelles capables d'harmoniser la démocratie à l'État de droit, à l'image des pays européens. En effet, les changements récents sont liés à l'agenda européen. Le gouvernement turc semble être déterminé et ambitieux dans sa vocation européenne. Les progrès réalisés pour intégrer l'UE lui sont un moteur de propulsion devant servir au pays et à sa population. / The issue of the accession of Turkey to the European Union is one of the most controversial topics as regards to human rights. The sensitive issues such as the kurdish problem and the conflict with Cyprus are the main cause of the most restrictions of the rights and freedoms and complaints lodged against the Turkish State before the European court of Human Rights. Turkey has the essential characteristics of a modern and secular state, but its democracy prove to be fragile. Thus, the powerful role of the army in many areas of political life can be explained by the malfunctioning of the democracy, giving to the régime an authoritative aspect. The Turkish army is seen as the guardian of the unity, security and identity of the nation. Indeed, the access to modernity is due to the control of the army, but the régime in Turkey needs to undertake major policy reforms to converge with European Union policies. The judicial and administrative system set by the army in 1982 does not sufficiently protect the justiciable. The exceptional measures such as state of emergency, security state courts, anti-terrorist law contributed to the violation of human rights and emphasized the contradiction between conventional law and national law. Turkey has made progress towards modifying its legal system in order to give more independence and impartiality. The accession partnership will certainly enable Turkey to review its Constitution and relevant legislation in providing basic freedoms, the rule of law and respect of human rights in conformity with the European Union's own standards. Turkey's inclusion in the enlargement process has not only increased European Union leverage over Turkish politics, but revitalized Turkey's European vocation.

This dissertation examines the different interpretations of the secondary sources for Alexander the Great by three modern historians, Nicholas Hammond, Peter Green and Mary Renault. The Introduction looks briefly at the lost primary Alexander-histories, the extant works of Diodorus Siculus, Quintus Curtius, Plutarch and Arrian and includes an abbreviated curriculum vltae of each modern author. Chapter X concerns modern interpretations of the controversial circumstances surrounding the accession of Alexander and the assassination of Philip. Chapter II covers the elimination of possible rivals, Attalus, Alexander Lyncestes and Amyntas son of Perdiccas, two major conspiracies - the Philotas Affair and the death of Parmenio, the conspiracy of the Royal Pages and death of Callisthenes - and the killing of Cleitus the Black. Chapter III deals with modern explanations of the death of Alexander. The Conclusion highlights significant theories and trends presented by the modern historians, which influence their interpretations of the ancient sources. / History / M.A. (Ancient History)

Cette thèse est composée de trois articles d’économie bancaire empirique. Le premier article traite de l’impact des conditions d’octroi de crédit sur l’accession à la propriété et les prix immobilier. Il propose une stratégie d’identification d’effets de causalité utilisant la politique du Prêt à Taux Zéro. Il conclut qu’un relâchement des conditions d’octroi de crédit permet à des ménages au revenu relativement plus faible de devenir propriétaire mais augmente significativement les prix immobilier. Le second article traite de l’effet des exigences en capital sur l’octroi de crédit des banques aux sociétés non financières. Il isole la composante des exigences en capital exogène aux conditions macroéconomiques grâce au système de notation du superviseur bancaire français. Il montre que les mesures de la qualité de la gouvernance et de la stratégie des établissements sont des contributeurs importants aux exigences en capital. En traçant l’effet de celles-ci sur les ratios de capital des établissements puis sur l’octroi de crédit, il montre qu’augmenter les exigences en capital réduit l’offre de crédit. Le troisième article analyse la prise en compte du risque de crédit sur le marché interbancaire européen entre 2011 et 2015 et comment celle-ci est modifiée par les ajustements de la politique monétaire sur la période. Il se concentre sur le risque inhérent à la détention d’actifs situés dans les pays périphériques de la zone euro. Il montre que l’accès au marché et les taux d’intérêt payés par les emprunteurs réagissent à cette détention. La nature et l’importance de cette réaction dépendent des interventions de politique monétaire. / This thesis is made up of three empirical essays in banking economics. The first paper analyses how credit supply conditions impact access to homeownership and real estate prices.We propose an identification strategy of causal effects based on the French Interest-Free Loan policy. We find loosenning credit conditions allows households with a relatively lower income to access homeownership but significantly increases real estate prices. The second paper looks for the effect of capital requirements on credit supply to non-financial companies.We identify movements in capital requirements exogenous to the macroeconomic environment thanks to the French banking supervisor rating system. We show governance and strategy quality measures significantly contribute to capital requirements setting. Followingtheir effects onto banks capital ratios and credit supply, we show raising capital requirementsreduces credit. The third article analyses credit risk management on the European interbankmarket between 2011 and 2015 and how it is modified by monetary policy adjustments overthe period. We focus on credit risk associated with holdings of assets located in peripheral Europe countries. We show market access and interest rates served to borrowers react to their holdings of such assets. The direction and size of this reaction depends on monetary policy interventions.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the relationship between the EU and the USA with an emphasis on the period after the year 2000. The analysis was only possible with knowledge of preceding milestones that have formed the partnership, the thesis- therefore- begins with the period after the Second World War, to which the European Union can trace its roots. The thesis follows the changes in the relationship during the decades of the Cold War (long-term trends) and in the first decade after its end (short-term trends), and then, due to the broadness of the issue, concrete themes from the period after the year 2000. The thesis also examines the relationship in terms of partnership and conflict, and examines the reasons and events behind the motivation on both sides. The first chapter deals with the Europe-USA relationship development since 1945 and is divided into five parts according to post-war decades. The second chapter deals with the Europe (EU)-USA relationship development after the Cold War up to the beginning of the new millennium. The third chapter represents the centerpiece of the thesis- key issues in the transformation of the relationship. The chapter is divided into four subchapters: divergent and shared opinions on the fight against terrorism (Afghanistan, Iraq), divergent and shared opinions in relation to international organisations and treaties (the Kyoto Protocol, the International Criminal Court), divergent and shared opinions on solving the financial crisis. The fourth subchapter examines the transformation and continuity of the relationship after the accession of the Obama administration.

Given the doubtfulness of the legal justification of Crimea’s declaration of independence on March 11 2014, which was followed by a referendum on March 16 that culminated in the peninsula’s treaty with Moscow to join the Russian Federation, Mr Putin used his speech on March 18 to put historical arguments forward in an effort to legitimise the Russian course of action in front of his own population. The speech counters the international community’s legal assessment, which classified Crimea’s accession to Russia as an annexation, with a historical legitimisation full of symbolism and mysticism that blatantly reinterprets Russian history and delegitimises the territorial integrity of Ukraine. This article analyses Putin’s attempt to justify Russia’s annexation of Crimea and tries to infer the mindset and aims that lie behind his historic-political argumentation.

Presented thesis Programs of the European Union of supporting regional interparliamentary cooperation in the region of Western Balkans as an instrument of regionalisation is focusing on regional parliamentary cooperation in the region of Western Balkans and programs of the European Union which are programmed to support this particular cooperation. The study is framed in the theory of new regionalism and the approach of socialization in international relations, which both offer in the case of European integration explanation of why regionalization takes place. The aim of the thesis is to answer the question whether the European Union is successful in its support of regionalization via regional parliamentary cooperation. Meaning if the mechanism of socialization chosen by the Union is effective and if institutional capacities of the national parliament in the region to conclude this cooperation are being built either via direct engagement with the Union, or via indirect way by engaging with regional initiatives active in regional parliamentary cooperation such as Regional Cooperation Council, COSAP and Cetinje Parliamentary Forum. By analyzing the mechanism of socialization and the environment in which the socialization takes place the thesis identifies if, and how much is the European Union able to...