This thesis presents a study of the institutions, forms and manifestations of secularism, or 'laïcité', in France, in the context of a series of events which came to be called the 'affaire du foulard'. The first incidents in the affaire took place in September 1989 with the expulsion of three primary schoolgirls in Creil, in the north of France, who were insisting on wearing the Islamic headscarf (known in French as the 'foulard') to school. Their actions were deemed contrary to the fundamental Republican principle of secularism in public schools, and the events were reported in several newspapers, before becoming a national controversy in media around the country. In this case, however, it was difficult to know how to interpret and apply laïcité in the context of a modern public school in the French Republic. The principle of secularism, or laïcité, is a central tenet of French public policy, and public education in particular. Laïcité also represents a set of social and cultural values which have profound historical resonances for many French people. At the same time, the public schools were unsure of how to negotiate their students’ freedom of religious expression, which, according to historical and legislative texts, is protected and upheld by the concept of laïcité, while also ensuring that the principle of laïcité was maintained. In a bid to resolve the uncertainty, France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, handed down a legal opinion in November 1989 in which it stated that the wearing of religious signs in public schools was not by itself incompatible with laïcité in France, although the religious signs could be prohibited in certain circumstances. In addition, various ministerial circulars were issued by successive Education Ministers between 1989 and 1994 to advise schools on how the law was to be interpreted and applied in this matter. One of the circulars, issued in 1994 by François Bayrou, encouraged schools to prohibit the wearing of the foulard and to apply strict penalties if Muslim girls continued to wear it. These measures resulted in an increase in the number of Muslim schoolgirls expelled for wearing the foulard, as well as in the numbers of public protests against the expulsions and the circular itself. Some of the schoolgirls and their families appealed against the expulsion decisions, and their cases appeared before France’s administrative courts over the years between 1992 and 1997. My thesis examines the key legal and administrative texts in the affaire du foulard, including the Conseil d’État’s 1989 legal opinion and the ministerial circulars, noting the legal implications of successive circulars and the shifts in government policy which they represented. In addition, my thesis analyses the transcripts of many of the legal judgements in the “headscarf” legal cases. These judgements were important not only in deciding the future education of the schoolgirls, but also in clarifying the 1989 opinion. They established a consistent set of principles to define the circumstances in which wearing religious signs such as the foulard was considered compatible or not with laïcité in public schools. The results of this analysis indicate that, contrary to popular opinion in relation to the affaire du foulard, the majority of cases were decided in the Muslim girls’ favour and upheld their right to wear a religious sign such as the Islamic headscarf at school. Recently, however, the legal regime in France governing the wearing of religious signs has changed. In early 2004, a new law on secularism was passed by the French Parliament to prohibit the wearing of the foulard (and indeed all visible religious signs) in public schools. The law has been welcomed by many sectors of the French community, but has also provoked extensive public protests. The passage of the new law does not alter either the analytical work or the conclusions of this thesis. Rather, the thesis offers an insight into the background of the affaire du foulard and thus a more informed appreciation of the potential legal and social consequences of the 2004 law in future years. The principal aim of this thesis is to provide a careful account of the institutions and operation of the principle of secularism, or laïcité, in France. My research also explains some of the complexities of the legislative regime established by the Conseil d’État and the administrative courts, who worked to balance priorities of freedom of religion and laïcité as well as to protect the education of many expelled Muslim schoolgirls, and in so doing, my thesis highlights the complexity of the principle of laïcité itself.

This thesis presents a study of the institutions, forms and manifestations of secularism, or 'laïcité', in France, in the context of a series of events which came to be called the 'affaire du foulard'. The first incidents in the affaire took place in September 1989 with the expulsion of three primary schoolgirls in Creil, in the north of France, who were insisting on wearing the Islamic headscarf (known in French as the 'foulard') to school. Their actions were deemed contrary to the fundamental Republican principle of secularism in public schools, and the events were reported in several newspapers, before becoming a national controversy in media around the country. In this case, however, it was difficult to know how to interpret and apply laïcité in the context of a modern public school in the French Republic. The principle of secularism, or laïcité, is a central tenet of French public policy, and public education in particular. Laïcité also represents a set of social and cultural values which have profound historical resonances for many French people. At the same time, the public schools were unsure of how to negotiate their students’ freedom of religious expression, which, according to historical and legislative texts, is protected and upheld by the concept of laïcité, while also ensuring that the principle of laïcité was maintained. In a bid to resolve the uncertainty, France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, handed down a legal opinion in November 1989 in which it stated that the wearing of religious signs in public schools was not by itself incompatible with laïcité in France, although the religious signs could be prohibited in certain circumstances. In addition, various ministerial circulars were issued by successive Education Ministers between 1989 and 1994 to advise schools on how the law was to be interpreted and applied in this matter. One of the circulars, issued in 1994 by François Bayrou, encouraged schools to prohibit the wearing of the foulard and to apply strict penalties if Muslim girls continued to wear it. These measures resulted in an increase in the number of Muslim schoolgirls expelled for wearing the foulard, as well as in the numbers of public protests against the expulsions and the circular itself. Some of the schoolgirls and their families appealed against the expulsion decisions, and their cases appeared before France’s administrative courts over the years between 1992 and 1997. My thesis examines the key legal and administrative texts in the affaire du foulard, including the Conseil d’État’s 1989 legal opinion and the ministerial circulars, noting the legal implications of successive circulars and the shifts in government policy which they represented. In addition, my thesis analyses the transcripts of many of the legal judgements in the “headscarf” legal cases. These judgements were important not only in deciding the future education of the schoolgirls, but also in clarifying the 1989 opinion. They established a consistent set of principles to define the circumstances in which wearing religious signs such as the foulard was considered compatible or not with laïcité in public schools. The results of this analysis indicate that, contrary to popular opinion in relation to the affaire du foulard, the majority of cases were decided in the Muslim girls’ favour and upheld their right to wear a religious sign such as the Islamic headscarf at school. Recently, however, the legal regime in France governing the wearing of religious signs has changed. In early 2004, a new law on secularism was passed by the French Parliament to prohibit the wearing of the foulard (and indeed all visible religious signs) in public schools. The law has been welcomed by many sectors of the French community, but has also provoked extensive public protests. The passage of the new law does not alter either the analytical work or the conclusions of this thesis. Rather, the thesis offers an insight into the background of the affaire du foulard and thus a more informed appreciation of the potential legal and social consequences of the 2004 law in future years. The principal aim of this thesis is to provide a careful account of the institutions and operation of the principle of secularism, or laïcité, in France. My research also explains some of the complexities of the legislative regime established by the Conseil d’État and the administrative courts, who worked to balance priorities of freedom of religion and laïcité as well as to protect the education of many expelled Muslim schoolgirls, and in so doing, my thesis highlights the complexity of the principle of laïcité itself.

This thesis presents a study of the institutions, forms and manifestations of secularism, or 'laïcité', in France, in the context of a series of events which came to be called the 'affaire du foulard'. The first incidents in the affaire took place in September 1989 with the expulsion of three primary schoolgirls in Creil, in the north of France, who were insisting on wearing the Islamic headscarf (known in French as the 'foulard') to school. Their actions were deemed contrary to the fundamental Republican principle of secularism in public schools, and the events were reported in several newspapers, before becoming a national controversy in media around the country. In this case, however, it was difficult to know how to interpret and apply laïcité in the context of a modern public school in the French Republic. The principle of secularism, or laïcité, is a central tenet of French public policy, and public education in particular. Laïcité also represents a set of social and cultural values which have profound historical resonances for many French people. At the same time, the public schools were unsure of how to negotiate their students’ freedom of religious expression, which, according to historical and legislative texts, is protected and upheld by the concept of laïcité, while also ensuring that the principle of laïcité was maintained. In a bid to resolve the uncertainty, France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, handed down a legal opinion in November 1989 in which it stated that the wearing of religious signs in public schools was not by itself incompatible with laïcité in France, although the religious signs could be prohibited in certain circumstances. In addition, various ministerial circulars were issued by successive Education Ministers between 1989 and 1994 to advise schools on how the law was to be interpreted and applied in this matter. One of the circulars, issued in 1994 by François Bayrou, encouraged schools to prohibit the wearing of the foulard and to apply strict penalties if Muslim girls continued to wear it. These measures resulted in an increase in the number of Muslim schoolgirls expelled for wearing the foulard, as well as in the numbers of public protests against the expulsions and the circular itself. Some of the schoolgirls and their families appealed against the expulsion decisions, and their cases appeared before France’s administrative courts over the years between 1992 and 1997. My thesis examines the key legal and administrative texts in the affaire du foulard, including the Conseil d’État’s 1989 legal opinion and the ministerial circulars, noting the legal implications of successive circulars and the shifts in government policy which they represented. In addition, my thesis analyses the transcripts of many of the legal judgements in the “headscarf” legal cases. These judgements were important not only in deciding the future education of the schoolgirls, but also in clarifying the 1989 opinion. They established a consistent set of principles to define the circumstances in which wearing religious signs such as the foulard was considered compatible or not with laïcité in public schools. The results of this analysis indicate that, contrary to popular opinion in relation to the affaire du foulard, the majority of cases were decided in the Muslim girls’ favour and upheld their right to wear a religious sign such as the Islamic headscarf at school. Recently, however, the legal regime in France governing the wearing of religious signs has changed. In early 2004, a new law on secularism was passed by the French Parliament to prohibit the wearing of the foulard (and indeed all visible religious signs) in public schools. The law has been welcomed by many sectors of the French community, but has also provoked extensive public protests. The passage of the new law does not alter either the analytical work or the conclusions of this thesis. Rather, the thesis offers an insight into the background of the affaire du foulard and thus a more informed appreciation of the potential legal and social consequences of the 2004 law in future years. The principal aim of this thesis is to provide a careful account of the institutions and operation of the principle of secularism, or laïcité, in France. My research also explains some of the complexities of the legislative regime established by the Conseil d’État and the administrative courts, who worked to balance priorities of freedom of religion and laïcité as well as to protect the education of many expelled Muslim schoolgirls, and in so doing, my thesis highlights the complexity of the principle of laïcité itself.

Dans l’image traditionnelle, la Chine est un État unitaire typiquement centralisé. Un tel concept, même à l’ère de Mao Zedong, n’est pas très précis, car à l’époque, la Chine a quand-même connu au moins trois cycles de déconcentration/centralisation. Alors, après la réforme d’«ouverture vers l’extérieur» par Deng Xiaoping, la Chine a établi des relations contrastées entre le central et le local. Deng Xiaoping a adopté une décentralisation des compétences par les mesures administratives et transfère les « intérêts » à l’échelon local, ce qui induit une grande latitude pour ce dernier, en particulier, en matière de développement de l’économie. Ainsi, une décentralisation non institutionnalisée a conduit l’échelon local à devenir de facto une entité administrative qui maîtrise les ressources et les compétences au nom de l’État, plutôt qu’obéissant aveuglément au central. Derrière ce changement, on voit l’émergence et la force motrice des intérêts locaux, avec une décentralisation approfondie, les gouvernements locaux ont reçu beaucoup plus de pouvoirs discrétionnaires, surtout pour ce qui concerne les affaires locales, et en même temps, à travers la maîtrise des ressources et des pouvoirs, les gouvernements locaux possèdent les «jetons» dans la négociation avec le gouvernement central, ayant pour objet et effet d’exprimer les intérêts locaux et d’influencer les décisions du central. Pour maintenir sa primauté, le gouvernement central a adopté une centralisation sélective pour faire face à cette décentralisation de facto afin d’arriver à un équilibre entre le central et le local. Cependant, une décentralisation non institutionnalisée, principalement à travers les négociations pour atteindre un équilibre entre les deux précédents, semble une approche qui n’est toujours pas stable, de telle sorte que la recherche d’une normativité des relations entre le central et le local est devenue un objectif à long terme. / In the traditional image, China is a typically centralized unitary country, such a concept, even in the era of Mao Zedong, is not very precise, because at that time, China has even experienced at least three cycles of decentralisation/centralisation. So, through the reform and open by Deng Xiaoping, China has formed contrasting relations between central and local. Deng Xiaoping has adopted decentralization through administrative measures to decentralize the power and transfer “interests” to the local government, so that, the local government has a major initiative, in particular, in the development of the economy. Thus, the non-institutional decentralization leads the local government to become de facto an administrative entity which controls resources and power in the name of the central government. So the local government is not just obeying the central government like before. Behind this change is the emergence and the driving force of local interests. With a deep decentralization, the local governments have received much more discretionary power, especially in the local affairs and at the same time, through the control of resources and powers, the local governments have the “bargain chip” to negotiate with the central government, so that they could express local interests and influence the decisions of the central government. In order to maintain central authority, the central government has adopted a selective centralization for this de facto centralization, so as to achieve a balance between the central government and the local government. However, the non-institutional decentralization mainly through negotiation to achieve a balance between the two preceding ones, seems to be an approach that is still not stable, so that the search for a normativity of relations between central and local has become a long-term goal.

L’intensité de la crise nouée autour de l’affaire Dreyfus n’est plus à démontrer. La presse y joue un rôle majeur. Les caricaturistes, en particulier, alimentent de leurs images les quotidiens et périodiques, des ouvrages, cartes postales et affiches. La palette des styles est large. Lorsqu’ils vont au-delà de l’hésitation – moment très court pour certains –, ils placent souvent leurs contributions dans un engagement construit, entre attaques et ripostes. Quand certains restent indécis ou indifférents, d’autres prennent le parti d’en rire. On constate aussi des pratiques de duplicité. À une époque d’âge d’or de la presse, l’iconographie de l’affaire Dreyfus se déploie dans de très nombreux journaux. Interrogées depuis les préludes de l’Affaire, les images donnent à voir une société tourmentée par la défaite de 1870, un patriotisme parfois nourri d’un esprit de revanche, une République trentenaire instable. Elles révèlent aussi la montée très démonstrative de l’antisémitisme et d’un nationalisme à multiples facettes, revigoré par la crise, qui fourbit ses armes contre le régime. Cette thèse examine en priorité le parcours des imagiers, afin d’apprécier l’impact de l’Affaire sur leur art. En second, elle explore comment ont évolué les figurations d’acteurs importants de l’Affaire, en particulier Émile Zola, Joseph Reinach et Henri Rochefort. / The intensity of the crisis brought about by the Dreyfus affair is a proven fact. The press plays a major role. Caricaturists, in particular, contribute their images to daily and periodical publications, books, postcards and posters. The range of styles is wide. After some hesitation – which can be very short - their contributions are constructed engagements of either attack or defence. While some are undecided or indifferent, others resort to humour. We can also see elements of duplicity. At a golden era for the press, iconography of the Dreyfus affair can be seen in numerous newspapers. The images, which have been analysed since the first signs of the Affair, show a society tormented by the defeat of 1870, a patriotism sometimes sustained by a spirit of revenge and an unstable thirty-year old Republic. They also illustrate the extremely demonstrative increase in anti-Semitism and in a multifaceted nationalism ; reinvigorated by a crisis polishing up its arms against the regime. This thesis studies, first and foremost, the careers of the caricaturists in order to appreciate the impact of the Affair on their art. Secondly, it explores the evolution of the presentation of major actors in the Affair; in particular Émile Zola, Joseph Reinach and Henri Rochefort.

Cette thèse a pour objet d’étudier le rapport entre la réalité objective des femmes au XIXe siècle et la représentation qu’en donne Octave Mirbeau dans ses œuvres romanesques et théâtrales. L’analyse se divise en trois parties, qui étudient le sujet en partant des aspects les plus concrets de l’écriture de Mirbeau et en allant vers les plus allégoriques. La première partie, intitulée « la femme, entre réalisme et caricature », analyse le degré de réalisme présent dans la construction des personnages féminins, en prenant appui sur différents critères de classification (les catégories sociales, les relations au sein du couple, les transgressions). La deuxième partie, intitulée « Une entreprise de mythification ? », analyse les influences scientifiques, littéraires et philosophiques prégnantes à la fin du XIXe siècle et qui constituent le contexte culturel dans lequel baigne l’écrivain. La troisième partie, « une entreprise symbolique plaçant la femme au cœur des combats politiques de Mirbeau » est un dépassement des questions évoquées précédemment, analysant la création d’un type novateur de féminité. Le but de cette troisième partie est de montrer que la femme incarne une valeur ambivalente, tantôt symbole de la société corrompue, tantôt symbole de liberté et de résistance à cette corruption. Le monde a beaucoup changé ces dernières années et en conclusion des aspects contemporains de la pensée de Mirbeau seront abordés, ainsi que la dimension postmoderne de son univers. / The purpose of this thesis is to study the link between the feminine figure in Octave Mirbeau’s novels and plays and the whole meaning of his work (in particular its political aiming). The key question to be answered is : Is the feminine figure a mimetic representation of the objective reality of late nineteenth century women or does it have a deeper meaning ? The analysis is divided into three parts, and evolves from the most objective to the most symbolic. The first part, entitled « The woman, between realism and caricature » is aimed to analyse the degree of realism that can be found in the construction of feminine figures. In the second part, entitled « A mystification process ? », a further aim is to bring understanging to the influences (scientific, literal and philosofical) that had an impact upon most of the writers in the end of the nineteenth century and Mirbeau in particular, even though his work always remains very personal. The third part, « A symbolic construction placing the woman at the core of Mirbeau’s political fights » goes beyond the questions studied before and analyses how Mirbeau managed to create a new kind of feminity. The objective of this third part is to show that the woman embodies an ambivalente value in Mirbeau’s work, and is at the same time a symbol of the corrupted society and a symbol of freedom and resistance to this same corruption. In recent years, the world has changed a lot and the conclusion of the study is focused on the contemporary aspects of Mirbeau’s world, as well as on the postmodern dimension of his universe.

Prenant l’affaire Probo Koala en Côte d’Ivoire comme l’élément déclencheur d’une observation, ce mémoire étudie les fondements des mouvements transfrontières illégaux des déchets dangereux des pays développés vers les pays en développement. En effet, nonobstant la pluralité des dispositions juridiques internationales, le transfert des déchets illicites demeure une actualité dans les pays du tiers monde dont particulièrement ceux de l’Afrique noire et à la fois un tabou dans ceux du Nord et du Sud. Les deux domaines proposés, droit international et national, montrent comment les faiblesses et la non-application des dispositions juridiques conduisent à des actes socialement irresponsables. De ce fait, des réformes tant au niveau juridique que judiciaire ainsi que l’implication des parties prenantes sont suggérées comme solutions pour combattre ce fléau. / Taking Probo Koala case in Côte d’Ivoire as element shutter release of an observation, this memo studies the foundations of the illegal cross-border movements of the hazardous waste of countries developed towards developing countries. Indeed, nonwithstanding the multiplicity of the international legal dispositions, the transfer of the illicit waste remains an actuality in the countries of Third World among which particularly those of the Black Africa and at the same time a taboo in those of the North and of the South. Both offered domains, international and national law, show how weaknesses and non-application of the legal dispositions drive to socially irresponsible acts. So, of re-form both at legal level and judicial as well as involvement of stakeholders are suggested as solutions to fight this blight.

Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2019

Cette thèse étudie le traitement argumentatif de l'affaire Elián González dans la presse américaine. Elle porte sur les éditoriaux et les chroniques parus entre novembre 1999 et juin 2000 dans trois journaux : le Miami Herald, le Washington Post et le New York Times. Deux questions ont guidé la recherche : - quels sont les arguments qui ont soutenu le débat sur l'affaire dans la presse américaine ? - autour de quels enjeux sociopolitiques ces arguments-là se sont-ils déployés ? Le cheminement pour répondre à ces deux questions fait appel à une approche qualitative, plus précisément à l'analyse qualitative de théorisation ancrée. L'analyse des arguments se fait à partir de la méthode de Toulmin : les arguments sont considérés comme des justifications en contexte et l'analyse cherche à en montrer l'organisation. Les textes des journaux sont conçus comme des archives sociales qui illustrent l'exercice de la jurisprudence médiatique. Les résultats mettent en évidence des traits de la culture politique américaine et des spécificités du rôle social des médias. Ils permettent à la fois de définir la trajectoire argumentative de l'affaire González et de développer le concept de représentation médiatique. Ils dressent aussi les paradoxes des relations entre les États-Unis et Cuba, et les enjeux liés à l'immigration dans la société américaine.

Paul Alexis (1847-1901) est souvent cité comme le meilleur ami de Zola, c’est là sa principale caractéristique. Presque son unique définition. On a tendance à oublier qu’il est aussi un écrivain engagé dans une cause qui est le principe même de son existence : le naturalisme. Ce travail tente d’explorer cette double perspective. En étudiant un certain nombre d’ouvrages et d’articles de journaux de cet auteur, il essaie de comprendre d’un côté ses rapports avec Zola, et de l’autre, ses conceptions personnelles, ses convictions profondes ainsi que ses relations avec les autres membres du mouvement. Pour cela, il scrute, tout d’abord, ses liens à la fois littéraires et intimes avec Zola. Il montre le quotidien d’une amitié qui connaît tumultes et mutations. Il analyse les moments marquants qui ont rythmé le cours de leur vie. Il note les convergences et tente de mettre en lumière les divergences entre le rédacteur de Germinal et celui de Madame Meuriot qui se présentait comme le tenant quasi ultime des thèses naturalistes. Ensuite, il s’efforce d’exposer précisément les idées personnelles de cet écrivain à partir de ses prises de position théoriques et de ses ouvrages de fiction. Il observe son implication dans ses domaines de prédilection : le journalisme, les arts, le théâtre, la politique... Enfin, il décrit son action menée au côté de Zola, au cœur du cercle de Médan, mais aussi d’une façon autonome, face aux grands événements qu’il a rencontrés, face aux grands problèmes qu’il a affrontés, comme l’émergence du naturalisme ou l’Affaire Dreyfus, par exemple. Le but ultime de cette thèse est de s’intéresser à ce personnage décrié souvent, parfois négligé, qui fut plus qu’un compagnon de route de Zola. / Paul Alexis (1847-1901) is mainly known as the closest friend of Zola. This is quoted as his main characteristic, almost as his unique definition. He is usually forgotten to be mentioned as also a writer who was very dedicated to a cause which had a huge significance in his life : Naturalism. This thesis tries to explore this double perspective. By studying books and newspaper articles written by this author, this work aims on the one hand, to explore his relationship with Zola, and, on the other hand, to focus on his personal designs, his deep convictions, as well as his connections with the other members of the movement. Primarily, in order to achieve this, this thesis scrutinises his personal and literary links with Zola. It shows the everyday life of a friendship which went through many challenges and changes. It analyses the striking moments which occurred during the course of their lives. It emphasises their common points of thought and tries to highlight the differences between the author of Germinal and the writer of Madam Meuriot, the last appearing to be the ultimate upholder of the naturalistic theories. Then, this project strives to precisely explain the personal ideas of this novelist, according to his theoretical views and to his works of fiction. It observes his restless involvement and the fights he led for the sake of his favourite topics such as : journalism, arts, theatre, politics... Finally, this work describes the actions Alexis carried out at the side of Zola, at the heart of the circle of Médan, but also in a more autonomous way, during major events in which he participated. This paper aims to clarify the huge issues he faced, such as the rise of naturalism or the Dreyfus affair, for example. The ultimate purpose of this PhD is to consider this character often slandered, sometimes neglected, a man who was more than a fellow traveller of Emile Zola.