Ma thèse considère les traitements et les représentations concernant les cheveux crépus en France et au Cameroun, en lien avec les processus de socialisation et d’intégration de l’individu noir. Ils participent de la construction d’une identité individuelle et sociale. Ils participent à la construction sociale et collective d’une « identité noire ». J’examine et questionne les pratiques et les représentations concernant les cheveux crépus des populations noires consultées au travers de trois enquêtes ethnographiques menées en France et au Cameroun. / My thesis considers the treatments and the representations concerning the frizzy hair in France and in Cameroon, in connection with the processes of socialization and integration of the black individual. They participate in the construction of an individual and social identity. They participate in the social and collective construction of a "black identity". I examine and question the practices and representations concerning the frizzy hair of the black populations consulted through three ethnographic surveys conducted in France and Cameroon.

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It is widely accepted that in order for education to serve the people effectively, the school curriculum should be localised. In Namibia a high rate of failure, unemployment and a low standard of life, especially among the black section of the population, is attributed to the foreign education which the people receive. This study attempts to shed some light on the nature of school curriculum. From a comparative study of attempts of Africanisation of the school curriculum in three African countries, some universal strategies can be distilled. A short survey is given of the school curriculum in Namibia and the history of its development. Finally, on the basis of the distilled strategies, some guidelines are drawn concerning Africanisation of the school curriculum in Namibia. These guidelines could be used to make the school curriculum in Namibia more relevant / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Comparative Education)

It is widely accepted that in order for education to serve the people effectively, the school curriculum should be localised. In Namibia a high rate of failure, unemployment and a low standard of life, especially among the black section of the population, is attributed to the foreign education which the people receive. This study attempts to shed some light on the nature of school curriculum. From a comparative study of attempts of Africanisation of the school curriculum in three African countries, some universal strategies can be distilled. A short survey is given of the school curriculum in Namibia and the history of its development. Finally, on the basis of the distilled strategies, some guidelines are drawn concerning Africanisation of the school curriculum in Namibia. These guidelines could be used to make the school curriculum in Namibia more relevant / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Comparative Education)

La publication de Théorie de la justice par John Rawls en 1971 a apporté un nouvel élan à la philosophie politique. Plusieurs commentaires et critiques de ce livre ont ainsi nourri la réflexion sur la question de la justice sociale dans son application à l’échelle mondiale. Dans ce livre, l’auteur a démontré entre autres que la démocratie libérale permet aux citoyens ayant diverses conceptions du bien, conceptions religieuses, philosophiques ou morales, souvent incompatibles et irréconciliables, d’avoir par ailleurs une conception politique de la rectitude morale et de la justice comme fondement de la structure de base de leur société. Ceci permet alors de soutenir l’unité politique et sociale de cette structure sur une base rationnelle et raisonnable. Par la suite, dans The Law of Peoples, Rawls a présenté un autre projet, celui d’étendre cette conception à la ‘Société des peuples’ qui, pour lui, est une idéalisation du regroupement des peuples qui respectent les idéaux et les principes du ‘Droit des peuples’ dans leurs relations mutuelles, le ‘Droit des peuples’ étant, pour Rawls, une conception politique particulière de la rectitude morale et de la justice qui s’applique aux principes et aux normes du droit et des usages internationaux. Ce projet de Rawls est, comme il l’a nommé lui-même, une utopie réaliste. Partant de cette dernière comme d’un prétexte, notre étude s’inscrit dans un champ de recherche particulier de la philosophie politique, à savoir l’éthique des relations internationales. Elle se veut une contribution à l’élaboration d’une réflexion normative portant sur les principes fondamentaux de justice dans l’ordre international tel qu’il se présente dans les institutions qui l’incarnent aujourd’hui encore, comme le système des Nations Unies, et sur les conséquences de cet ordre dans l’intégration des pays de la région africaine des Grands Lacs. D’où ces questions : Qu’est-ce que l’utopie rawlsienne change-t-elle à l’ordre mondial actuel? Ses principes fondent-ils une éthique susceptible d’améliorer les relations internationales? Quelle serait la place des pays africains, et plus spécialement ceux de la région des Grands Lacs, dans l’ordre mondial inhérent à ce projet? Les réponses à ces questions déterminent ce qui pourrait être considéré comme l’éthique de la gouvernance démocratique globale et les structures pouvant l’incarner. / The publishing of A Theory of Justice by John Rawls in 1971 brought a new impetus to political philosophy. Several comments and critical analyses of this book have thus provided food for thought on the issue of social justice in its application on a world scale. In this book, the author has demonstrated, among other things, that liberal democracy allows citizens with different conceptions of good – whether religious, philosophical or moral – often incompatible and irreconcilable, to have, otherwise, a political conception of moral rectitude and justice as the foundation of the basic structure of their society. This allows to support the political and social unity of this basic structure on a rational and reasonable basis. Subsequently, in his book The Law of Peoples, Rawls presented another project, that of extending that concept to the “Society of Peoples” which, for him, is an idealization of the regrouping of those people who respect the ideals and principles of the Law of peoples in their mutual relations, the “Law of peoples” being, for him, a particular political conception of moral rectitude and justice that is applicable to principles and standards of international law and customs. This project, as Rawls called it himself, is a realistic utopia. Based on the latter as an excuse, our study is in keeping with a particular field of research in political philosophy – namely, the ethics of international relations. It is intended as a contribution to the development of a normative reflection on the fundamental principles of justice in the international order as it is found in the institutions that still embody it nowadays – such as the United Nations Organization – and on the consequences of that order in the integration of the countries of the African region of the Great Lakes. This raises questions such as: What changes does the rawlsian utopia bring to the current world order? Are its principles the basis for an ethic susceptible of improving international relations? What would be the role of African countries, particularly those of the Great Lakes, in the world order inherent in this project? The answers to these questions determine what could be considered the ethics of global democratic governance and the structures which embody it.

La publication de Théorie de la justice par John Rawls en 1971 a apporté un nouvel élan à la philosophie politique. Plusieurs commentaires et critiques de ce livre ont ainsi nourri la réflexion sur la question de la justice sociale dans son application à l’échelle mondiale. Dans ce livre, l’auteur a démontré entre autres que la démocratie libérale permet aux citoyens ayant diverses conceptions du bien, conceptions religieuses, philosophiques ou morales, souvent incompatibles et irréconciliables, d’avoir par ailleurs une conception politique de la rectitude morale et de la justice comme fondement de la structure de base de leur société. Ceci permet alors de soutenir l’unité politique et sociale de cette structure sur une base rationnelle et raisonnable. Par la suite, dans The Law of Peoples, Rawls a présenté un autre projet, celui d’étendre cette conception à la ‘Société des peuples’ qui, pour lui, est une idéalisation du regroupement des peuples qui respectent les idéaux et les principes du ‘Droit des peuples’ dans leurs relations mutuelles, le ‘Droit des peuples’ étant, pour Rawls, une conception politique particulière de la rectitude morale et de la justice qui s’applique aux principes et aux normes du droit et des usages internationaux. Ce projet de Rawls est, comme il l’a nommé lui-même, une utopie réaliste. Partant de cette dernière comme d’un prétexte, notre étude s’inscrit dans un champ de recherche particulier de la philosophie politique, à savoir l’éthique des relations internationales. Elle se veut une contribution à l’élaboration d’une réflexion normative portant sur les principes fondamentaux de justice dans l’ordre international tel qu’il se présente dans les institutions qui l’incarnent aujourd’hui encore, comme le système des Nations Unies, et sur les conséquences de cet ordre dans l’intégration des pays de la région africaine des Grands Lacs. D’où ces questions : Qu’est-ce que l’utopie rawlsienne change-t-elle à l’ordre mondial actuel? Ses principes fondent-ils une éthique susceptible d’améliorer les relations internationales? Quelle serait la place des pays africains, et plus spécialement ceux de la région des Grands Lacs, dans l’ordre mondial inhérent à ce projet? Les réponses à ces questions déterminent ce qui pourrait être considéré comme l’éthique de la gouvernance démocratique globale et les structures pouvant l’incarner. / The publishing of A Theory of Justice by John Rawls in 1971 brought a new impetus to political philosophy. Several comments and critical analyses of this book have thus provided food for thought on the issue of social justice in its application on a world scale. In this book, the author has demonstrated, among other things, that liberal democracy allows citizens with different conceptions of good – whether religious, philosophical or moral – often incompatible and irreconcilable, to have, otherwise, a political conception of moral rectitude and justice as the foundation of the basic structure of their society. This allows to support the political and social unity of this basic structure on a rational and reasonable basis. Subsequently, in his book The Law of Peoples, Rawls presented another project, that of extending that concept to the “Society of Peoples” which, for him, is an idealization of the regrouping of those people who respect the ideals and principles of the Law of peoples in their mutual relations, the “Law of peoples” being, for him, a particular political conception of moral rectitude and justice that is applicable to principles and standards of international law and customs. This project, as Rawls called it himself, is a realistic utopia. Based on the latter as an excuse, our study is in keeping with a particular field of research in political philosophy – namely, the ethics of international relations. It is intended as a contribution to the development of a normative reflection on the fundamental principles of justice in the international order as it is found in the institutions that still embody it nowadays – such as the United Nations Organization – and on the consequences of that order in the integration of the countries of the African region of the Great Lakes. This raises questions such as: What changes does the rawlsian utopia bring to the current world order? Are its principles the basis for an ethic susceptible of improving international relations? What would be the role of African countries, particularly those of the Great Lakes, in the world order inherent in this project? The answers to these questions determine what could be considered the ethics of global democratic governance and the structures which embody it.

Text in English / Early migration across borders predominantly involved movement by males for work. While changing times have seen a considerable increase in the number of female migrants as principal migrants solely for independent employment, women still move as passive participants, who have to play an often obscure supporting role beside men. Through a qualitative, exploratory research design, this thesis explored the lived experiences of accompanying immigrants, particularly women from other African countries, accompanying their immigrant spouses in South Africa. Data collection was conducted through individual face-to-face unstructured in-depth interviews with eight female accompanying spouses. The data were thematically analysed and yielded seven overarching themes, namely: motivation to relocate and power dynamics; effects of migration; how accompanying immigrant status is experienced by the female accompanying spouse; challenges immigrants that hold accompanying spouse status face; meaning-making, adaptation; and strategies deployed to cope. These were discussed in terms of the construction of the ‘accompanying spouse status’ and how this powerful social discourse impacts women’s wellbeing. Participants reported education, socioeconomic factors and related life aspects were amongst the motivations for their relocation to South Africa, in addition to citing both positive and negative effects of their migration. From the study results, accompanying spouses recounted how they encountered various adversities, including how accompanying spouse status fundamentally reduces the holder to a dependent, whose being revolves around the principal migrant spouse. Notwithstanding participants’ struggles, the study results show how the participants have, through it all, learnt to live with their status, deployed methods of coping against all odds, and today still stand. / Psychology / Ph. D.(Psychology)

HIV/AIDS-related stigma and discrimination (S&D), lack of social support, poverty, and gender inequalities have been identified as factors in the increased prevalence rate of HIV transmission in Enugu, Nigeria, especially among women ages 15 to 49 years. Despite the funding of reduction programs, HIV/AIDS-related S&D remain a major driving force in the increased rate of new HIV cases in Enugu. This study addressed a perceived need for behavioral change intervention approaches that span all societal factors to reduce the HIV infection rate in Enugu Nigeria. The study was guided by Goffman's (1963) social S&D theory. The sample was composed of 132 women living with HIV/AIDS WLWHA ages 21 to 54 years, purposefully sampled from the 4 HIV and AIDS comprehensive initiatives care centers in Enugu, Nigeria. Fifteen WLWHA were interviewed and 114 participated in an online survey. The descriptive statistics and a multiple linear regression analysis and comparison revealed a convergent significant relationship between the S&D determinants (social, political, psychological, environmental, and cultural) and HIV/AIDS-related S&D towards WLWHA in Enugu F (4,109) = 45.09, p

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Political risk analysis is considered one of the essential ingredients in decision making processes when investing abroad. The Iranian Revolution and the oil crisis in the 1970s accentuated this need as investors increasingly felt the need for a proper assessment of the risks involved in establishing a business in other countries. Negative images of African countries combined with conventional risk models which are not able to accurately assess the political risk realities of post-conflict African countries, may be one of the reasons for why African countries struggle to attract a substantial amount of FDI. This study suggests that alternative risk models which are more African-orientated may aid in improving this situation. This study has analysed the political risk of Sierra Leone using a conventional risk model, and an African-orientated political risk model. The aim of this study was to assess whether conventional political risk models need to be adjusted to be able to more accurately assess the political risk of post-conflict African countries. The main research question guiding this study was:  Are conventional risk models able to objectively rate the political risk of post-conflict countries in Africa? The conclusion of this research was that African-orientated political risk models are able to more accurately assess the political risk of a post-conflict African country such as Sierra Leone. This is mainly due to the soft variables used in a political risk model and also the relationship between the variables included in the models. The African-orientated political risk model needs to be analysed further, but this research has made clear the need for a reevaluation of existing political risk models to be better equipped when analysing post-conflict African countries. This will not only benefit African post-conflict countries in improving their risk ratings, but also provide foreign investors with a more accurate identification of the potential political risks facing an investment in post-conflict African countries. It was acknowledged in this study that the political risk analyses of Sierra Leone were not conducted by someone who has inside information of the political risk models used which is a limitation iii for the results of this study. It is, however, possible to detect potential weaknesses with each political risk model and possible areas of improvements. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke Risiko Analise word as een van die belangrikste bestandele in die besluitnemingsproses geag wanneer daar oorsee belê word. Die Iranese Rewolusie en die Olie krisis in die 1970’s het hierdie nood beklemtoon, aangesien beleggers toenemend die belang van deurdagte assesering van die risikos in verband met die oprigting en instandhouding van besighede in ander lande erken het. Negatiewe opvattings van Afrika lande, tesame met konventionele risiko modelle wat nie geskik is on akkurate asseserings van politike risiko realiteite op te lewer, is dalk van die redes waarom Afrika lande sukkel om groot Direkte Buitelandse Beleggings te lok. Hierdie studie stel voor dat alternatiewe risiko modelle wat meer Afrika-gesind van aard is die situasie kan help oorbrug. Hierdie studie het die politieke risiko situasie van die Sierra Leone analiseer aangaande‘n konvensionele riskio model en met behulp van’n Afrika-georienteerde politieke risiko model. Die studie het gepoog om te assesseer of die konvensionele modelle van politieke risiko gewysig moet word om in staat te wees om meer akkuraat te oordeel in verband met politieke risiko in post-konflik Afrika lande. Die hoof navorsingsvraag wat die studie gedryf het is die volgende: Is die konvensionele risiko modelle in staat om objektief te werk te gaan om die politieke risiko van post-konflik lande in Afrika te meet? Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie navorsing is dat die Afrika-georienteerde politieke risiko modelle meer gepas is om die politike risiko van post-konflik lande soos Sierra Leone te meet. Dit is hoofsaaklik die geval weens die sagte veranderlikes wat gebruik word in’n politieke risiko model asook die verband tussen die veranderlikes wat in die model ingesluit word. Die Afrika-georienteerde politieke risiko model moet verder uitgebrei word, alhoewel hierdie navorsing dit duidelik maak dat die belang bestaan vir‘n herevaluering van die bestaande politieke risiko modelle om beter toegerus te wees om analise van post-konflik Afrika lande uit te voer. Dit word erken dat hierdie studie van die politieke risiko van Sierra Leone nie uitgevoer was deur iemand wat‘n intieme kennis van politieke risiko modelle het nie. Dit is uiteindelik wel moontlik on potensiele swak plekke in die mondering van elke politieke risiko model uit te sonder, en moontlike areas van verbetering voor te stel.

Cette thèse analyse les enjeux du développement économique liés aux dynamiques des cours des matières premières en général et ceux du coton en particulier. Traditionnellement, les travaux s’inscrivant dans une optique de long terme questionnent la pertinence des spécialisations primaires des PMA. À moyen terme l’intérêt porte davantage sur l’instabilité dont les conséquences sont d’autant plus importantes que la dépendance des pays à l’exportation de tels produits est forte. Les enjeux s’articulent alors autour des modalités de régulation des marchés, du choix d'outils (publics ou marchands) pour la gestion des incertitudes, le tout dépendant de l’appréhension de l’instabilité comme un phénomène endogène ou exogène. Dans un contexte nouveau marqué par l’affirmation d’oligopoles de firmes, la segmentation du processus productif mondial, et la financiarisation des marchés de matières premières, nous proposons un cadre analytique permettant d’aborder différemment ces problématiques. Nos travaux montrent d’abord comment les approches du type chaînes globales de valeur peuvent être mobilisées pour mieux orienter les stratégies commerciales / industrielles des PMA. S’appuyant sur la notion de rationalité limitée dans le cadre de modèles de comportements hétérogènes, ils prouvent ensuite l’existence d’une forte composante endogène dans l’instabilité et par là même, l'inefficacité des seuls outils marchands. Au final, pour les pays africains producteurs de coton, il apparait qu’il reste possible de mettre ce produit au service d’une stratégie globale de développement. Cela passe par le recours à des mécanismes hybrides de gestion de l’instabilité, combiné au renforcement des dynamiques de coopération transfrontalières en vue d’une structuration de chaînes régionales de valeur. / This thesis analyzes the economic development issues related to the medium and long-term dynamics of commodities prices in general and cotton prices in particular. Studies on the long-term perspective traditionally question the relevance of primary specializations of LDCs. In the medium term, the interest is relates to price instability for which the consequences are all the more important as countries’ dependency on the exports of such products becomes stronger. The stakes then revolve around market regulation modalities, and the choice of risk management tools (e.g. public or private interventions). These depend on the apprehension of price fluctuations as a phenomenon arising from endogenous or exogenous market factors. In a new economical context influenced by the growing importance of oligopolistic firms, a segmentation of the productive process and the financialization of commodity markets, we address differently these issues through a new analytical framework. The proposed analysis first shows how approaches such as the ones related to global value chains are more adapted to tackle industrial/commercial policies in commodity dependent LDCs. Second, in a context of heterogeneous behavioral models, we rely on the concept of bounded rationality to show the presence of a strong endogenous component in instability. Thus, it proves the inefficiency of private interventions to counter instability. Considering these findings in the case of African cotton producers, we conclude that it remains possible to incorporate the commodity in a global development strategy. But this involves the use of hybrid-type mechanisms (public-private) for managing uncertainty, combined with a reinforcement of cross-border cooperation dynamics in order to structure regional value chains.