The strategic decision-making mechanisms a state has at its disposal to shape and develop its military means of power are complex. Perceptions of the outside world may be particularly problematic because perceptions of threats change. Political decisions which aim to create robust and long-term security strategies where several factors must be taken into account that are largely determined by the interests of other actors can be difficult to understand and explain. The investment in defence set out in Swedish Defence Bill 2020 is a paradigm shift from reducing to enlarging the armed forces This involves a continued investment into a dedicated professional defence, but in combination with conscription, new establishment of regiments, more military units and increased materiel investment. The purpose of this study is to, examine the driving forces and explanatory factors linked to this paradigm shift, where political decisions to enlarge the military are in focus and examined using Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow's three theoretical perspectives on strategic decision-making. The results of this study clearly show that the dominant driving force for the re-expansion of Sweden's defence capability was the deteriorating external situation, which was evident in terms of all three theoretical perspectives. It is also possible to see traces of other driving forces in the bill, such as long-termism, sustainability and the degree of detailed control of the Armed Forces, which demonstrates the complexity of political decision-making about the creation of military power.

The Swedish government recognised the state of Palestine, it was soon after the Social democrats won the election 2014. Many thought that a similar decision would be made about West Sahara but the proposal got declined. The two cases are therefore interesting because of the similarities with a troubled situation but also because the decisions were made only one year apart and during the same government. The aim of this essay is to analyse what the motives were behind these two decisions and afterwards compare the two cases. This essay will also end with a discussion about the motives and why the government acted the way they did.          The tool for the study is debates and interpellations with statements made by people from the parties in the government. The statements will be analysed and categorised based on the theory by Graham Allison and his two models, the rational choice and organizational behaviour.          The study shows that the reason behind the decision to recognise Palestine was to favour a solution in the troubled area by working for a two-state solution. The government think that the decision will be one step closer to peace between Israel and Palestine. The motive behind the decision not to recognise West Sahara was according to the government because the country lack a highly effective outer defence and the recognition will therefore be delayed until the country is more independent and secure.

The Swedish government recognised the state of Palestine, it was soon after the Social democrats won the election 2014. Many thought that a similar decision would be made about West Sahara but the proposal got declined. The two cases are therefore interesting because of the similarities with a troubled situation but also because the decisions were made only one year apart and during the same government. The aim of this essay is to analyse what the motives were behind these two decisions and afterwards compare the two cases. This essay will also end with a discussion about the motives and why the government acted the way they did.          The tool for the study is debates and interpellations with statements made by people from the parties in the government. The statements will be analysed and categorised based on the theory by Graham Allison and his two models, the rational choice and organizational behaviour.          The study shows that the reason behind the decision to recognise Palestine was to favour a solution in the troubled area by working for a two-state solution. The government think that the decision will be one step closer to peace between Israel and Palestine. The motive behind the decision not to recognise West Sahara was according to the government because the country lack a highly effective outer defence and the recognition will therefore be delayed until the country is more independent and secure.

Ubåtsvapnet har sedan dess instiftande utgjort en viktig del av det nationella försvaret av Sverige och har under lång tid ansetts vara flottans slagkraftigaste enheter. Genom utvecklingen som följde efter kalla kriget, där Europas stater närmade sig varandra genom EU och försvarssamarbeten, ominriktades Försvarsmakten mot ett insatsförsvar med internationellt fokus. Förband som inte kunde bidraga vid internationella insatser skulle avvecklas. För Ubåtsflottiljens del innebar detta att förbandet anpassade sig för att verka utanför Sveriges territorium och på så vis skapa legitimitet för sin fortsatta existens. Samtidigt påbörjades arbetet med att ta fram nästa generations ubåtar, som senare blev A26/Blekingeklassen. Då några direkta nationella hot inte längre förelåg designades dessa med färre torpedtuber och istället med en sluss för slussning av dykare och farkoster. Bakom ett beslut som detta finns flera aktörer, men på vilket sätt har dessa kunnat påverka designvalen för Blekinge? Genom att analysera projektet med hjälp av teorier kring beslutsfattande och drivkrafter har denna undersökning studerat vad som påverkat gjorda val. Undersökningens resultat visar att det funnits olika drivkrafter under projektets gång, men att de övergripande har varit rationellt aktörsagerande för att uppnå vinstsatisfiering både för Sverige som nation, men också för de enskilda aktörerna. Det har dock förekommit maktkamp mellan staten och försvarsindustrin samt stigberoende och byråkratiska inslag i form av handlande enligt tidigare uppgjorda rutiner.

This thesis describes an experimental program covering the development of certain simple combustion chamber modifications to alleviate smoke emissions from the Allison T56 turboprop engines operated by the Royal Australian Air Force. The work includes a literature survey, smoke emission tests on two variants of the T56 engine, flow visualisation studies of the combustion system in a water tunnel and combustion rig tests of a standard combustor and four possible modifications. The rig tests showed that reductions in smoke emissions of 80% were possible by simple modifications that reduced the primary zone equivalence ratio and improved mixing in that zone.

This thesis contains an observational analysis of the genesis of Tropical Storm Allison (2001). Using a paradigm of tropical cyclone formation as the superposition of potential vorticity (PV) anomalies, the importance of different scales of PV merger to various aspects of Allison’s formation is discussed. While only the case of Allison is discussed in great detail, other studies have also documented PV superposition on various scales, and superposition could be important for most tropical cyclones. Preceding Allison’s genesis, PV superposition on the large scale destabilized the atmosphere and increased low-level cyclonic vorticity. This presented a more favorable environment for the formation of MCV-type PV anomalies and smaller, surface-based, meso-β-scale vortices. Although these vortices eventually merged to form a more concentrated vortex with stronger surface pressure gradients, the merger happened well after landfall of Allison and no strengthening ensued. The unstable, vorticity-rich environment was also favorable for the development of even smaller, meso-γ-scale vortices that accompanied deep convective cells within one of Allison’s meso-β-scale vortices. The observations herein suggest that the meso-γ- scale convective cells and vortices are the respective source of PV production and building blocks for the meso-β-scale vortices. Finally, this thesis discusses issues related to the multiple vortex nature of tropical cyclone formation. For instance, the tracking of developing tropical cyclones is greatly complicated by the presence of multiple vortices. For these cases, the paradigm of a single cyclone center is inappropriate and alternative tracking methods are introduced.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Wilmington, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves : [97]-99).

Cathy Caruth's pioneering study of trauma and the posttraumatic forges a connection between the psychoanalytic theory of traumatic experience and the literary as such. Since trauma defies linguistic processing, she explains, the language used to describe it will always be figural. For this reason Caruth privileges imaginative literature, with its highly mediated nature, as a means of representing the otherwise "unclaimed" experience of trauma. Her influential reflections inform a crucial direction within trauma studies: the search for a narrative voice that articulates trauma effectively. But how should we think about trauma that is not a singular "event" but a chronic occurrence? Over the last twenty years trauma scholarship has explored how trauma outstrips discursive and representational resources, but has only begun to address the ways gender, race, and class must complicate our understanding of the posttraumatic. I argue that in order to frame an adequate approach to the posttraumatic, we must take account of the cultural, political, and social matrix of trauma. The feminist psychotherapist Maria Root has developed an idea that she calls "insidious trauma" to refer to the cumulative degradation directed toward individuals whose identities, such as gender, color, and class, differ from what is valued by those in power. Though not always blatant or violent, these effects threaten the basic well being of the person who suffers them. Root's conceptualization provides a useful framework for understanding certain long-term consequences of the institutionalized sexism, racism, and classism that systematically denigrate the self worth of the socially othered who are rendered voiceless. Where Caruth privileges literary representations of the traumatic, I explore how literature can also be a privileged site for the articulation of insidious trauma. My study addresses literary representations of father-daughter incest and the complex trauma associated with it, showing how--in very different ways--six works of modern American literature compel us to confront the traumatogenic nature of social oppression, especially that which is endemic to the structure of the heteropatriarchal family and American racism and classism. F. Scott Fitzgerald's Tender Is the Night ambivalently exposes the gendered politics of psychological trauma, particularly the conspiracy of silence perpetuated by a psychiatric culture that revictimizes the female victim of incest. Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man uses a story of paternal incest to work through the trauma of racism, challenging stereotypes of black masculinity even as it reinscribes patriarchal phallocentrism. Referencing Ellison's depiction of father-daughter incest, Toni Morrison's The Bluest Eye marks a watershed in the inscription of incest narratives as it is written mostly from the perspective of what I call a "could-be" victim of incest. Morrison includes the perspective of the father while foregrounding the experience of the daughter, exposing child abuse as an extensive social and political problem ultimately supported by imperialist ideals. Enabled by Morrison, Dorothy Allison's semiautobiographical Bastard Out of Carolina is narrated by a young "white trash" woman who shares her story of sexual violation in defiance of that culture's patriarchal structure. Conforming to certain class stereotypes of father-daughter incest, Bastard Out of Carolina escaped the hostile backlash provoked by Kathryn Harrison's memoir, The Kiss, whose critical reception suggests that, even while allowing some discussion of incest, mainstream culture continued to collude in its silencing within the context of the white middle-class. Finally, I revisit a particularly infamous literary narrative of father-daughter incest, Vladimir Nabokov's Lolita, but in terms of the feminist appropriation of Nabokov effected in Azar Nafisi's memoir, Reading Lolita in Tehran. Problematically downplaying the sexual abuse of Lolita, Nafisi appropriates Nabokov's work to bear witness to the patriarchal subjugation of women in her home country, the Islamic Republic of Iran.

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Sverige har bidragit med trupp till internationella insatser sedan 1950-talet. Detta har gjorts med bidrag från framför allt markstridskrafter men även med luftstridskrafter. Det dröjer fram till 2006 innan beslut tas om en marin internationell insats i form av korvettförband som bidrag till FN-insatsen UNIFIL i Libanon. Denna insats har fram till idag följts av fyra marina insatser, en förlängning av UNIFIL i Libanon 2007 och tre insatser i Somalia under åren 2009-2013. Beslutet om den marina insatsen i Libanon är för marinen banbrytande. Syftet med uppsatsen är att ge en ökad förståelse och insikt kring bakgrund och orsaker till beslutet. Bakomliggande orsaker till beslut om insats kan förklaras med hjälp av olika teorier och förklaringsmodeller. Denna uppsats använder sig av den amerikanske forskaren Graham Allissons modeller framtagna i boken ”Essence of decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis”. Två av tre modeller används för att anlysera beslutet, the Rational Actor och Organizational Behavior. Resultatet av analysen visar att det fanns en politisk enighet och uttalad målsättning att Sverige skulle bidra till en fredlig lösning i konflikten. Vidare framkommer att det vid tillfället för beslutet fanns få alternativ till det marina korvettförbandet, framför allt beroende på ekonomiska och personella förutsättningar i Försvarsmakten. Allisons modeller har fungerat som analysverktyg för att ge en ökad förståelse och insikt kring bakgrund och orsaker till beslutet. Modellerna ses som kompletterande till varandra då de belyser och framhäver olika aspekter och orsaker till det valda alternativet.