The thesis deals with the social position of the Jewish minority in Germany during the first decades of the Second Reich; it is intended as a contribution to the social history with an emphasis on the history of everyday life. It attemps to answer a question, why despite (what seemed to be) a highly successful assimilation, or more precisely acculturation, the Jews became a target of hateful attacks again in the late 1870's and 1880's. Various methods have been applied to determine, firstly, how the German-Jewish family life looked, whether and how its education approach and job structure differed from those of the majority; secondly, in which way the social-economic situation affected the minority position, its participation in public life and its attitude to the recently estabilished state; and last but not least, the way the German-Jews understood and perceived themselves, as well as the East European immigrants (so called Ostjuden) and the public's anti-Semitism. The result of the study shows that the German-Jewish values and customs were mainly identical to those of the bourgeoisie, probably with an endogamy being the only specific feature. At the time of rising Conservatism and in spite of experiencing bitter disappointment at the again appearing anti-Semitism, their optimism and trust in...

The aim of the thesis is to cover the variability of the protectorate press propaganda in relation to the generational and social belonging of the target readership group. This has been researched through analysing three collaboration newspapers - Arijský boj, Zteč and Přítomnost. Propagandist images have been reconstructed based on an analysis of three large topics, namely depicting the classes of the protectorate intellectuals, the youth and finally the Jewish minority. Except for covering the specific propagandist techniques, the aim is also an attempt to evaluate the perspectives of accepting these images by the protectorate society, and of explaining why they failed. Due to the primary sources that were used in the research, presented thesis affects mainly the period between 1942 and 1945.

L’un des plus importants thèmes traités par l’historiographie contemporaine a un lien avec la discrimination raciale. Les problèmes liés aux conséquences de la discrimination raciale, qui ont atteint l’apogée pendant l’Holocauste ont été inclus par l’historiographie contemporaine dans l’histoire des régimes totalitaires, étant traités surtout de la perspective des élites politiques. Les thèmes concernant la discrimination, le racisme, la xénophobie et l’antisémitisme représentent des sujets importants de l’historiographie grâce à l’impact immense qu’ils ont eu dans la société du XXème siècle. C’est un siècle dans lequel les plus désastreuses conflagrations mondiales connues ont eu lieu, un siècle dans lequel les régimes totalitaires ont influencé l’aspect politique, économique et social, culturel, bref, le mode de vie de tous ceux qui ont été impliqués volontairement et involontairement dans la société de ces régimes totalitaires. Le plus connu cas d’extermination d’une minorité dans le XXème siècle est l’Holocauste. [etc.] / One of the most important topics in contemporary historiography is related to racial discrimination. Issues related to the impact of racial discrimination during the Holocaust were included by contemporary historiography in the history of totalitarian regimes are treated especially from the perspective of political elites. The themes of discrimination, racism, xenophobia and anti-Semitism are important topics of historiography of XXth century. In this century the most disastrous world wars known took place, a century in which totalitarian regimes have influenced the political, economic, cultural and social aspects, in genarally the lifestyle of all those who were involved voluntarily and involuntarily in the totalitarian regimes. The best known case of extermination of a minority in the twentieth century is the Holocaust. [etc.]

Dans la lignée des travaux sur l’intersectionnalité, cette thèse s’intéresse aux imbrications des catégories de « race », de classe et de genre ainsi qu’à l’articulation du féminisme, de l’antisémitisme et du racisme dans les écrits de Sophie Rogge-Börner (1878-1955). Ce travail dévoile d’abord les mécanismes de racialisation du rapport de pouvoir entre les sexes à l’œuvre tant dans l’établissement d’une équivalence entre « race » nordique et égalité des sexes que dans la construction du caractère « juif » du patriarcat. Il confronte ensuite le modèle explicatif de l’émergence de la domination masculine comme produit d’un métissage et symptôme d’une dégénérescence avec l’affirmation du caractère construit de la différence de sexe. Il étudie alors les revendications concrètes d’un discours qui faisait de l’émancipation féminine à la fois une potentialité circonscrite par l’appartenance raciale et la condition de réalisation du renouveau racial. Ce faisant, il montre que le recours à des catégories anhistoriques et essentialisées pouvait être au fondement d’un féministe certes égalitariste mais non-universaliste. Enfin, il s’intéresse à la pérennité de ces idées au sein de la Nouvelle Droite. En prenant le contrepied d’une définition normative du féminisme, ce travail montre comment un mouvement politique d’émancipation a pu d’une part produire de nouvelles exclusions et hiérarchisations entre les femmes et d’autre part fournir de nouveaux arguments au discours raciste et antisémite pendant la République de Weimar et le national-socialisme. Il met ainsi au jour une configuration spécifique de l’intrication entre domination de « race » et domination de genre. / Taking on the extensive debate on intersectionality, this doctoral thesis examines the interlocking of the categories race, class and gender as well as the articulation of feminism, anti-Semitism and racism in the writings of Sophie Rogge-Börner (1878-1955). Firstly, this project exposes the mechanisms of racialization of the power relations between the sexes which were at work in the production of an equivalence between the Nordic “race” and gender equality as well as in the ascribing of a “Jewish” character to patriarchy. The thesis then describes Rogge-Börner’s explanation for the advent of male domination as a result of racial mixing and degeneration and confronts it with her assertion of the constructed character of sexual difference. Furthermore, the project analyses the concrete demands of a discourse which presents female emancipation as a potential limited by racial origin as well as the condition for racial regeneration. The thesis shows that the reference to ahistorical and essentialist categories could be the basis for an egalitarian but non-universalist understanding of feminism. Finally, the project looks at the persistence of these ideas within the New Right.In consciously avoiding a normative definition of feminism, this thesis shows how a political emancipatory movement, on the one hand, produced new exclusions and hierarchies among women and, on the other hand, provided new arguments to the racial and anti-Semitic discourse during the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich. The thesis thus brings to light a specific intricacy of racial and sexual dominance.

Cette thèse examine le phénomène des camps de concentration ouverts après l’ordonnance n. 5 du Ministre de l’Intérieur de la Repubblica Sociale Italiana (RSI), le 30 novembre 1943, afin de regrouper et interner tous les juifs d’Italie. La recherche vise à analyser la mise en place de ce système concentrationnaire, pour s’interroger sur le rôle joué par ces structures à l’intérieur de la politique antijuive de la Repubblica di Salò et de la déportation des juifs de l’Italie. A partir de la fin du mois de novembre 1943, le nouveau gouvernement républicain fasciste chargea son ministère de l’Intérieur et ses administrations locales d’arrêter et interner les juifs: il décida donc de placer la «question juive» sur un plan administratif, là où il n'avait pas cependant sa pleine souveraineté à cause de l’occupation allemande de l’Italie après l’armistice du 8 septembre 1943. Malgré l’ingérence allemande dans la politique italienne de l’époque, les autorités de Salò eurent une marge d’autonomie et d’initiative en ce qui concerne l’application des dispositions d’internement des juifs. Dans ce contexte, les camps de concentration jouèrent un rôle central: à travers l’analyse de ces structures on peut distinguer les caractéristiques de l'antisémitisme d'État de la RSI et les éléments qui sont en continuité avec la politique antijuive du passé régime fasciste, ainsi que les dynamiques politiques qui déterminèrent la «collaboration» entre les autorités italiennes et les autorités d’occupation allemandes. / The doctoral thesis analyzes the affair of the concentration camps for Jews opened up by the decree n. 5 of 30 November 1943 from the minister of the Interior of the Italian Social Republic, Guido Buffarini Guidi. By this measure the republican government entrusted the peripheral authorities of the ministry of the Interior, prefectures and police headquarters, the task of arresting and interning all the Jews present in Italy. The carrying out of the orders was influenced by the war background of two-year-period 1943-1945: by the German occupation of Italy, which followed the armistice of 8 September, the German authorities kept the RSI under a tight control. Notwithstanding the German interference into the Italian political affairs, the local authorities of Salò seemed to hold on a degree of autonomy and initiative to enforce the anti-Jewish measures decided by the government. In this situation, the concentration camps played a key role and act here below as a magnifier for the study of the “Jewish-question” in the RSI. Through the analysis of these camps the features of the state anti-Semitism of Salò can be recognized, as an extension of that one of the previous fascist regime, as well as the political dynamics that were at the bottom of the “collaboration” between Italian and German authorities can be deepened. As Denis Pechanski notices about the French case, the concentration camps are in this way “the cornerstone of the mechanism of deportation of the Jews”.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Edith de Azevedo Marques.pdf: 1312593 bytes, checksum: 100558e3701e6f194cb50f0c71b94f7d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-22 / The development of the present paper has as objective a reflection on the right to peace in the classification of fundamental rights. The analysis of this intention lies in a reflection on the thinker Hannah Arendt, considered a fighter for the Jewish folk under Nazi persecution that culminated in the holocaust, in which millions of Jews were exterminated in an extremely cruel way. This violence against Jews made Hannah Arendt turn her life into a constant battle for peace with great determination in actions of courage and bravery. The peace we will talk about in this study refers to the peace not meaning the opposite of war but of violence, considering war a type of violence. We will briefly analyze two works of Hannah Arendt: ―The Origins of totalitarianism‖ and ―Eichmann in Jerusalem: a report on the banality of evil‖, also developing historical, social and politic aspects, about the facts that raised the interest of their author. Finally, we present the concept of peace within the juridical norm, talking about social peace that derives from the function of the right of harmonizing relationships between subjects / A linha de desenvolvimento do presente trabalho tem como objetivo uma reflexão sobre o direito à paz, na classificação dos direitos fundamentais. A análise dessa pretensão nasce de uma reflexão voltada para a pensadora Hannah Arendt, considerada uma combatente em defesa do povo judeu, sujeito à perseguição nazista, culminada com o holocausto, onde foram exterminados milhões de judeus, de forma extremamente cruel. Essa violência contra os judeus fez com que Hannah Arendt fizesse, durante toda sua vida, uma constante luta pela paz entregando-se com determinação em ações de grande coragem e destemor. Essa paz, tratada nesse estudo, refere-se à paz não como o contrário da guerra, mas da violência, considerada a guerra um tipo de violência. São analisadas, de forma breve, duas obras de Hannah Arendt: ―Origens do totalitarismo‖ e ―Eichmann em Jerusalém: um relato sobre a banalidade do mal‖, desenvolvendo também aspectos históricos, sociais e políticos sobre os acontecimentos que suscitaram o interesse de sua autora. Para finalizar, apresenta-se a concepção de paz no âmbito da norma jurídica, tratando a paz social decorrente da função do direito de harmonizar as relações intersubjetivas

Submitted by Marlene Aparecida de Souza Cardozo (mcardozo@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-28T09:26:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Angelina Carr Ribeiro Martins.pdf: 1874710 bytes, checksum: 57d8896e351eca1b65411ea2c061800e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-28T09:26:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Angelina Carr Ribeiro Martins.pdf: 1874710 bytes, checksum: 57d8896e351eca1b65411ea2c061800e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The Declaration Nostra Aetate was a document that marked the opening and to the Church for interreligious dialogue, and was the turning point in relations with Jews and Judaism. It was developed in the Vatican II, and in the words of Pope John XXIII, the time was the aggiornamento or Church reform. In this process, understanding the concept of dialogue, to the Vatican, also underwent an evolution that was considered a key element in inter-religious relations of the twentieth century. Therefore, due to the Council, the Catholic Church broke with the theological paradigm supersessionism, there was a change Replacement Model for model Complementation in a new, more liberal and flexible attitude. Thus opened the way for the Christian Theology of Religions. However, the development of the content of Nostra Aetate was the result of research, publications and conferences even before the Council, both of representatives of Judaism, as for Christians, Catholics and Protestants. In this sense, the context of World War II, the Shoah and the creation of the State of Israel was decisive for the subject of the Jews were inserted in the Vatican. The most defended argument referred to the issue of teaching of contempt, led by the French Jewish historian Jules Isaac, by which the Church had to deal with religious anti-Semitism present for centuries in its liturgy. Until its enactment was an intense work in the Council backstage, both by those who opposed the theme of the Jews, as the conservative wing and the Eastern Catholic Churches, who raised political issues involving the State of Israel, as the commitment of priests, as Agostinho Bea, John Oesterreicher e Gregory Baum, with renovator spirit whose work involved skill, knowledge, diplomacy and perseverance until the Council's more political text was completed and approved, the Nostra Aetate / No percurso histórico, as primeiras iniciativas em direção ao diálogo ocorreram no Parlamento Mundial das Religiões, passaram pela Shoah, até o Concílio Vaticano II. A Declaração Nostra Aetate foi um documento que marcou a abertura e a disposição da Igreja para o diálogo inter-religioso, e foi o ponto de virada na relação com os judeus e o Judaísmo. Foi elaborada no Vaticano II, e nas palavras do Papa João XXIII, chegara o momento do aggiornamento, a reforma da Igreja. Neste processo, a compreensão do conceito de diálogo, até o Vaticano II, também passou por uma evolução para que fosse considerado um elemento fundamental nas relações inter-religiosas do século XX. Por conseguinte, em decorrência do Concílio, a Igreja Católica rompeu com o paradigma teológico supersessionista, ou seja, houve uma mudança do Modelo de Substituição para o Modelo de Complementação, em uma nova postura mais liberal e flexível, porém, com seus limites. Assim, abriu-se o caminho para a Teologia Cristã das Religiões. No entanto, a elaboração do conteúdo da Nostra Aetate foi fruto de pesquisas, publicações e conferências realizadas mesmo antes do Concílio, tanto por representantes do Judaísmo, quanto por cristãos, católicos e protestantes. Neste sentido, o contexto da Segunda Guerra Mundial, da Shoah e da criação do Estado de Israel foi decisivo para que o tema sobre os judeus fosse inserido no Vaticano II. O argumento mais defendido referiu-se à questão do ensino de desprezo, liderado pelo historiador judeu francês Jules Isaac, em que a Igreja teve que lidar com o antissemitismo religioso presente há séculos em sua liturgia. Até sua promulgação houve um intenso trabalho desenvolvido nos bastidores do Concílio, tanto pelos que se opuseram ao tema sobre os judeus, como a ala conservadora e as Igrejas católicas orientais, que levantaram questões políticas envolvendo o Estado de Israel, quanto o empenho de sacerdotes, como Agostinho Bea, John Oesterreicher e Gregory Baum, com espírito renovador, cujo trabalho envolveu habilidade, conhecimento, diplomacia e perseverança, até que o texto mais político do Concílio fosse concluído e aprovado, a Nostra Aetate

Jews have been represented in Latvian literature for centuries. This dissertation investigates the images of Jews in a comprehensive selection of Latvian novels published between 1934–1944 in order to establish whether, and to what extent, the traditional images are subject to change under the pressure of modernity, nationalism and a rapidly changing political situation. Since most representations of, and references to, Jews in this literature are very brief, it is necessary to initially deprive the individual works of their titles and authors and let them form an authorless entity, a Corpus, however diverse, yet representative of Latvian society at the time. Through this approach the centres of attention are put aside, and the scattered images of Jews are brought into focus. With the help of a Matrix designed for this purpose, all ‘Jews’ are sorted and analysed. The Matrix, including also linguistic references, illustrates how Jews in the discourse are made to represent the ‘other’ through the provision of certain pieces of information and the omission others. The Jews in the Corpus, with very few exceptions, are thus systematically and consistently reduced to blank images and stereotypes. Through this process they are also subject to ‘othering’ and dehumanisation, albeit not necessarily articulated as such. The social distance between Latvians and Jews becomes more pronounced in the Corpus compared to in the Latvian literary tradition, and there are several examples of negative attitudes and anti-Semitism. Yet, with regard to the extreme political situation, especially under Soviet and Nazi occupations, these examples are fewer than expected: the investigated literature follows its own traditions and, with hardly any exceptions, does not reflect societal and political changes immediately.

This study examines the responses of European intellectuals since the 1880s to an increasingly virulent and organized anti-Semitism in Europe, and the ways in which they sought to understand the character and origins of the hatred, and to fathom and work out the problems, terms and possibilities for Jewish identity. Focusing on the French figures Bernard Lazare and Marcel Proust from the time of the Dreyfus Affair and then on the Frankfurt School of social theory and Hannah Arendt from the period around and after the Second World War, the thesis argues that these thinkers created a common historical-psychological discourse on anti-Semitism, which attempted to confront, comprehend and explain the historically critical issues of anti-Semitism and Jewish identity. The study explores the discourse’s fundamental assumptions, insights, and arguments regarding the origins, character, and magnitude of anti-Semitism. It also analyzes its contentions concerning the contradictions, sources, and alternatives for Jewish identity. But, more, it claims that, despite their frequent perceptiveness, these figures’ interpretations of the two concerns proved limited, deficient, even deeply flawed. The thesis seeks to show that its intellectuals’ attempt to understand the twin issues was hence a failure to grasp and interpret them adequately, and to resolve them. It contends further that what impaired the authors’ engagements with anti-Semitism and Jewish selfhood were ideas that were fundamental to their thinking. These intellectual factors, moreover, connected the figures solidly to important historical contexts that they inhabited, thereby implicating the significant settings in the epistemological errors and defeats. These momentous ideas thus operated as both contextualizing and destructive forces—linking the intellectuals to their home contexts and transforming their understanding of their historic problematic into a misunderstanding. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2009-04-16 08:34:25.821

La réflexion morale de Theodor Adorno est manifestement traversée par une tension : l’exigence paradoxale d’enraciner pleinement la morale à la fois dans les impulsions les plus vives et dans la raison la plus lucide. Plus qu’une excentricité parmi d’autres de la figure de proue de l’École de Francfort, le présent mémoire donne à penser que ce problème pourrait être une des principales charnières de son éthique. L’objectif de ma recherche est de dégager une voie pour articuler conjointement, «sans sacrifice aucun», ces deux exigences. Pour ce faire, je tenterai d’étayer l’hypothèse suivante : l’analyse du problème de la liberté et de la non-liberté que développe le premier des trois «modèles» de Dialectique négative permet de comprendre à la fois le lien et l’écart entre la dimension impulsive et rationnelle de l’éthique d’Adorno. L’argument qui sera déployé se penchera d’abord sur le problème de la non-liberté et son incarnation à travers le phénomène concret de l’antisémitisme ainsi que de la peur et de la rage animale dans lesquelles il s’enracine, pour ensuite examiner la conception adornienne de la liberté dans ses deux dimensions de «pleine conscience théorique» et «d’impulsion spontanée», et pour finalement tenter d’apprécier la portée plus générale pour la compréhension de l’éthique d’Adorno de cette interprétation du problème de la liberté en tentant de comprendre sur cette base son «nouvel impératif catégorique». / Throughout Theodor Adorno’s moral thought runs a paradoxical demand : that morality should be fully rooted in both the liveliest impulses and the keenest reasonings. More than a quirk among Adorno’s many, this essay suggests that this problem plays a pivotal role in his ethics. The current research seeks to develop a strategy to conjointly articulate these two demands. To this end, I will try to expound the following hypothesis : the analysis of the problem of freedom and unfreedom set forth by the first of the ‘models’ in Negative Dialectics enables making sense of both the bond and the disparity between the impulsive and rational constituents of adornian ethics. This study will first focus on the problem of unfreedom and its embodiment in the concrete phenomena of anti-Semitism as well as the animal fear and rage that it builds upon. It will then go on to examine Adorno’s conception of freedom in its two facets : «full theoretical consciousness» and «spontaneous impulse». It will finally try to ascertain the more general relevance of this interpretation of the problem of freedom for making sense of Adorno’s ethics, by trying to make sense on that basis of his «new categorical imperative».