This paper is a case study of the Sweden Democrats with the aim to better understand the nature of the immigrant-critical nationalist parties, often referred to as right-wing extremist, right-wing populist etc. who has had success in several countries, and their ideological roots. A comparative descriptive analysis has been done of the ideas of the Sweden Democrats' ideology, with the aim to identify and examine the presence of fascism ideas in SD's ideology. On the basis of the existing research has an ideal type been formulated what fascism most basic ideas are. With this idealtype as an analytical tool has SD's party platform, political speeches, SD-kuriren and Jimmie Åkesson's book, etc. been analyzed. It has been possible to demonstrate the similarities and differences between the SD's and fascist ideas. Ideas of SD which is also a typical feature of fascism is the opposition to the conduct of immigration policy and to stop or limit immigration which appears as the party's most prominent idea that is also a typical feature of fascism. The myth of the betrayed people's home “Folkhemmet” appears to be a typical "mystical core" in the SD's thinking which is similar to the example stab-in-the-back legend of Nazism. The idea about the third way and a excluding nationalism that sees diversity as a threat is common within fascism while the differences is that the SD profess democracy and denounces anti-democratic ideas. SD is like the fascists not pacifists but has not, moreover, any typical fascist ideas on the war in its program. The multicultural society is considered a threat, which is similar to the ideas of fascism, and SD considers that a culture war is going on, especially with Islam. SD has some ideas in common with fascism that indicates continuity from the interwar fascism. Other ideas differ from the ideas of fascism, which shows that the party has been partly done up with its ideological roots. The type of thought structures identified in the analysis of the Sweden Democrats have several ideas in common with the fascist discourse, but there are also similarities with the humanist Enlightenment discourse in the affirmation of democracy.

Cette thèse propose une introduction à une meilleure compréhension des liens entre Hitler et Wagner et porte le titre suivant : De Wagner à Hitler: un exemple du Sonderweg de l’histoire allemande. Les deux hommes ne se sont pas connus car Wagner était déjà mort à la naissance du futur dictateur mais les héritiers Wagner et en particulier son fils Siegfried et sa belle-fille Winifred et l’idéologue de Bayreuth Houston Stewart Chamberlain, jouèrent un rôle de substitution au Maître de Bayreuth, cette idole qu’Hitler aurait tant aimé connaitre, tant il considère Wagner comme sa religion comme il put le confier lors de sa première visite à Wahnfried, villa des Wagner. Si Wagner a des idées très arrêtées et théoriques en matière d'antisémitisme et de racisme, Hitler sous l’influence de Houston Stewart Chamberlain gendre de Richard Wagner les développe et imagine les moyens politiques de leur réalisation. L'Œuvre de Wagner a survécu au nazisme et à son instrumentalisation par Adolf Hitler (que nous illustrons plus particulièrement en prenant l'exemple de Parsifal) car un grand artiste est toujours dépassé par ses propres intentions. Cependant toute une partie de la pensée et de la création artistique du musicien allemand contenait les germes de la déviance de l'histoire allemande qui caractérisa les années 1933-1945. Notre travail contribue aussi à mieux identifier "la religion d'Adolf Hitler": enracinée dans le christianisme gnostique de Richard Wagner elle vient s'alimenter aux élucubrations sur le "Jésus aryen tué par les Juifs" de l'époque wilhelmienne et débouche sur un néopaganisme revendiqué. / This thesis provides an introduction to a better understanding of the links between Hitler and Wagner and is entitled: From Richard Wagner to Adolf Hitler: an example of the Sonderweg in Germany’s history. The two men never knew each other as Wagner was already dead at the time of the future dictator’s birth, but Wagner’s heirs, and in particular his son Siegfried, his daughter-in-law Winifred and the Bayreuth ideologist Houston Stewart Chamberlain, played a surrogate role for the Master of Bayreuth, the idol whom Hitler would have so loved to know, so much he considered Wagner as a prophet, as he confided on his first visit to Wahnfried, the Wagner family’s villa. If Wagner had very pure theoretical ideas concerning anti-Semitism and racism, under the influence of Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Wagner’s son-in-law, Hitler then developed these ideas and devised the political means of their implementation. Wagner’s work outlived Nazism and its adoption by Adolf Hitler (which we illustrate more particularly with the example of Parsifal), as the work of a great artist often transcends his original intentions. However, a significant part of the German musician’s thought and artistic creation contained the seeds for the deviance of German history which characterized the period from 1933 to 1945. Our work also helps better identify “Adolf Hitler’s religion”: rooted in Richard Wagner’s Gnostic Christianity, his religion feeds itself on the fanciful notion of “Jesus Aryan killed by the Jews” of the Wilhelmien period and leads to a proclaimed Neopaganism.

La « critique de la langue » chez Fritz Mauthner (1849-1923), qui se décline comme critique de la presse et de la culture, critique littéraire, critique de la philosophie et des sciences, est une critique, par son style et son écriture, des modes intellectuelles et des idéologies codées par les usages de langue de son époque. Notre travail replace l’ensemble des écrits de Mauthner dans leur contexte d’apparition, le Berlin de la fin du XIXe siècle, et documente l’implication de Mauthner dans le mouvement de la modernité littéraire, autour de la Freie Bühne de Berlin. Ces écrits invitent à interroger les paradoxes constitutifs de la Modernité, et l’articulation entre les notions de crise et de critique qui traversent le champ littéraire, scientifique et philosophique. Il s’agit donc de mettre en évidence une stratégie d’écriture qui, dans le contexte de la spécialisation et de la vulgarisation des savoirs modernes et de leurs terminologies, revêt une dimension polémique et politique. Cette stratégie sert une critique immanente à la langue, qui procède par imitation et détournement des mots-clef, des effets de discours et des formes d’expression de la pensée dominante. Nous montrons enfin de quelle manière cette écriture, avec son recours à des figures ou quasi-figures du discours impropre, exemplifie et alimente une conception métaphorique, contextuelle et dialogique de la langue, approche sémantique visant à exclure les notions d’identité et de propriété et les jugements de valeurs d’une réflexion historique sur la langue et la culture. / This dissertation shows that Fritz Mauthner’s (1849-1923) famous “critique of language” should be understood as a unique mode and style of attack on the literary cultures and ideological codes of his time, characterized by the development of print media. His work was unique because, through his critiques of literary, journalistic, and scholarly writings, Mauthner developed a powerful form of immanent critique of language that engaged typical forms of thought in that period as it was embedded within the topoi of late nineteenth century Berlin practices of writing. By adopting and repeating the period’s chauvinistic and anti-Semitic clichés he exposed – through modes of irony and parody – their failures and anti-modernistic images. By contextualising all of Mauthner’s late nineteenth century writings, in particular his critical approaches to modern literature, this work reconstructs Mauthner’s unmasking of modernity’s constitutive paradoxes through the links that he revealed between literary, scholarly, and philosophical modernity.

The central focus of this thesis is to rediscover Julius Streicher and to determine whether his actions merited the same punishment as other persons executed for war crimes. Sources used include Nuremberg Trial documents and testimony, memoirs of Nazi leaders, and other Nazi materials. The thesis includes seven chapters, which cover Streicher's life, especially the prewar decades, his years out of power, and his trial at Nuremberg. The conclusion reached is that Streicher did have some influence on the German people with his anti-Semitic newspaper Der Sturmer, but it is difficult to ascertain whether his speeches and writings contributed directly to the extermination of the Jews in World War II or simply reflected and magnified the anti-Semitism of his culture.

Studien syftar till att få en ökad förståelse för antisemitiska hatbrott i Sverige, genom att undersöka främlingsfientlighet och rasistiska hatbrott mot personer med judisk bakgrund. Tidigare forskning konstaterar att antisemitiska hatbrott har ökat de senaste åren, dock finns det begränsat med vetenskaplig forskning om antisemitismen i Sverige, särskilt kvalitativa studier. För att besvara studiens syfte så har tio intervjuer genomförts och urvalet har skett genom kontakt med judiska organisationer. Studiens resultat visade att samtliga respondenter anser att antisemitismen har blivit mer påtaglig och mer utbredd i samhället än tidigare, vilket bidrar till att de måste hålla en låg profil för att inte bli utsatta. Det framkom även en oro inför framtiden och att kunna leva som jude. En förändring måste ske enligt respondenterna, lagstiftningen behöver justeras för att fler ska våga och orka anmäla de incidenter som inträffar. Skolor behöver mer kunskap för att agera och ta ansvar för problemet. Media behöver hitta sätt för att rapportera om konflikten i Mellanöstern utan att det påverkar enskilda judar. Alla i samhället behöver ta ansvar för att öka acceptansen för olikheter. Mer forskning behövs för att identifiera hur Sverige ska arbeta preventivt mot hatbrott för att trygga alla individer. / The study aims to create an increased understanding of anti-Semitic hate crimes in Sweden, by examining xenophobia and racist hate crimes againgst people with a Jewish background. Previous research states that anti-Semitic hate crimes have increased in recent years, however there is limited scientific research on anti-Semitism in Sweden, especially qualitative studies. To answer the purpose of the study, ten interviews were conducted and the selection was made, through contact with Jewish organizations. The results of the study showed that the participants believes that anti-Semitism has become more apparent and more widespread in society than before, which contributes to the fact that they must keep a low profile in order to not be exposed. There was also concern about the future and being able to live as a Jew. According to the participants a change needs to take place, the law needs to be adjusted so that more people dare and have the strenght to report the incidents that occurs. Schools need more knowledge to act and take responsibility for the problem. The media needs to find ways to report on the conflict in the Middle East without affecting individual Jews. Everyone in society needs to take responsibility for increasing acceptance of differences. More research is needed to identify how Sweden should work preventively against hates crimes to secure all indivuduals.a

Since the early 20th century, Jews promoted civil rights for Black Americans in law, society, and employment. The Jewish hand of friendship developed into a natural alliance of African-American and Jewish leaders committed to racial equality that blossomed in the 1950s and 1960s and culminated with the passage of the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act. Despite their long term mutual efforts towards racial equality, the Black-Jewish Alliance faltered after Jews and Blacks cooperated to achieve these victories, and their alliance lay in ruins by the late 1960s and early 1970s. The Black-Jewish Alliance began to wane as government institutionalized racial preferences in education and employment. While observers argue affirmative action ended these communities' cooperation, government-mandated racial preferences merely highlighted the underlying cause of the disintegration of Black-Jewish Alliance: the transformation of Jewish American identity from racial minority to "white ethnic." The Jewish racial transformation-a gradual shift in their association with ethnic communities-augmented racial disputes between Blacks and Jews. As Jewish identity shifted from perceived racial minority to American white ethnicity, the Black-Jewish racial fault line shook along the fronts of Black Nationalism and neoconservatism. These racial cleavages-spurred by the fluidity of Jewish ethnic identity-highlighted divergent Black and Jewish conceptions of the meaning and purpose of civil rights. The chasm separating Black and Jewish conceptions of civil rights manifested itself in the 1970s when the champions of racial equality advocated competing sides of a still contentious philosophical war fought on the battlefields of the U.S. Supreme Court in University of California Regents v. Bakke (1978) and DeFunis v. Odegaard (1974).

The history of the ethnic borderlands of Hungary and Romania in the years 1867–1944 were marked by changing national borders, ethnic conflicts and economic problems. Using a local case study of the city and county of Szatmár/Satu-Mare, this thesis investigates the practice and social mechanisms of economic nationalizing. It explores the interplay between ethno-national and economic factors, and furthermore analyses what social mechanisms lead to and explain inclusion, exclusion and annihilation. The underlying principle of economic nationalizing in both countries was the separation of citizens into ethnic categories and the establishment of a dominant core nation entitled to political and economic privileges from the state. National leaders implemented a policy of economic nationalizing that exploited and redistributed resources taken from the minorities. To pursue this end, leaders instrumentalized ethnicity, which institutionalized inequality and ethnic exclusion. This process of ethnic, and finally racial, exclusion marked the whole period and reached its culmination in the annihilation of the Jews throughout most of Hungary in 1944. For nearly a century, ethnic exclusion undermined the various nationalizing projects in the two countries: the Magyarization of the minorities in dualist Hungary (1867–1918); the Romanianization of the economy of the ethnic borderland in interwar Romania (1918–1940); and finally the re-Hungarianization of the economy in Second World War Hungary (1940–1944). The extreme case of exclusion, namely the Holocaust, revealed that the path of exclusion brought nothing but destruction for everyone. This reinforces the thesis that economic nationalizing through the exclusion of minorities induces a vicious circle of ethnic bifurcation, political instability and unfavorable conditions for achieving economic prosperity. Exclusion served the short-term elite’s interest but undermined the long-term nation’s ability to prosper.

Thomas Dixon Jr. (1864 -1946) and Thomas E. Watson (1856-1922), two controversial and radical figures, are often credited with the second coming of the Ku Klux Klan. Dixon, writer of novels and plays such as The Leopard’s Spots (1902) and The Clansman (1905), and Watson, politician, prolific writer, and publisher of Watson’s Magazine and The Jeffersonian, reached the masses and saturated popular culture with their racial agenda. As each of these men had especially long careers, this thesis focuses on particular times and specific issues. With Dixon, the writing of The Clansman (1905) and production of The Birth of a Nation (1915) are key points in his career and exemplary of his feelings about race, gender and power. For Watson, the Leo Frank controversy (1913-1915) demonstrates the same. Moreover, each man’s career was associated by others with the second coming of the Klan in the late 1910s and early 1920s. Thus, this era is significant for analysis of both men’s work. Through their writings, plays, and political stances, Dixon and Watson ensured widespread reception of a racial message aimed at maintaining the Southern social order at the turn of the twentieth century. While desired social order placed white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant men at the top of the social pyramid, a viewing of their work through a gendered lens adds complexity to these motivations. This thesis applies a gendered analysis in a comparative study of these two racist publicists in order to identify and analyze what for them, is the fundamental foundation of that social order. In doing so, not only is an obsession with racial control demonstrated, but also a deep-seated desire to protect and control white womanhood—the most important component of the white, Anglo, Protestant majority. In this analysis, gender emerges as a means to augment race and power while maintaining and bolstering the traditional social order.

The theme of this thesis is the history of two transports, transports Dl and Dm dispatched september 6 1943 from ghetto Terezín to Auschwitz. It is possible to find a lot of information in many publications, but this thesis introduces this subject throught testimonies of eyewitnesses. Starting with the family background, continuing with deportation to Theresienstadt from where the transports were dispatched. Concerning the transport to Auschwitz, I elaborated its characteristics looking at the age and sex of the transported inmates. Due to the witness's testimonies, I tried to concentrate on the history of two day's journey to the biggest extermination camp during the second world war. And the eyewitness's testimonies are illustrating all the welcoming ceremony, the desinfection, tattoo and dormitory allocation. In my thesis, I would like to describe the Terezin inmates' biannual stay in family camp B IIb, tragical death of 3 792 of them at night of 8 to 9 March 1944, seeking to recreate the Dr. Mengele's list of medical personnel and twins. Finally, I would like to emphasise the fate of 41 survivors of those transports.

The thesis deals with the social position of the Jewish minority in Germany during the first decades of the Second Reich; it is intended as a contribution to the social history with an emphasis on the history of everyday life. It attemps to answer a question, why despite (what seemed to be) a highly successful assimilation, or more precisely acculturation, the Jews became a target of hateful attacks again in the late 1870's and 1880's. Various methods have been applied to determine, firstly, how the German-Jewish family life looked, whether and how its education approach and job structure differed from those of the majority; secondly, in which way the social-economic situation affected the minority position, its participation in public life and its attitude to the recently estabilished state; and last but not least, the way the German-Jews understood and perceived themselves, as well as the East European immigrants (so called Ostjuden) and the public's anti-Semitism. The result of the study shows that the German-Jewish values and customs were mainly identical to those of the bourgeoisie, probably with an endogamy being the only specific feature. At the time of rising Conservatism and in spite of experiencing bitter disappointment at the again appearing anti-Semitism, their optimism and trust in...