The thesis deals with right-wing extremism in the context of democracy. In the first part, democracy, its development and basic values are characterised. The following part describes extremism and its rudimentary typology, historical roots of right-wing extremism and its strategy. The final part focuses on the fight of democracy against extremism. In this part, possible anti-extremist measures are proposed, including critical reflections on the principles of right-wing extremism. Furthermore, a concept of so-called militant democracy is introduced, along with the analysis of its application in the Czech Republic and its critical reflection.

The Ph.D. thesis deals with the Czech author František Gellner. It deliberately endeavours not to exclude any of the segments of his both literary and visual work out of consideration, but to present them all in their heterogeneity, yet in mutual connections. Works of Gellner's art are therefore interpreted in novel ways, especially in consideration of the contexts of the period from which they origin (and above others those contexts that have become obscure and forgotten in the nearly hundred years since the original publication of Gellner's work). The first chapter summarizes the previous critical reception of Gellner's work and at the same time deals with this author's image in the Czech cultural milieu. Analysing some of Gellner's manuscripts, the second chapter aims to describe the specific type of the author's creativity. The third chapter is devoted to the problem of ambiguously constructed national identity of František Gellner and to the impact it had on the ways he dealt with the themes of Jewishness and anti-Semitism. The fourth chapter describes the various relations between Gellner's works and the periodicals these were prepared for. The next chapter is dedicated solely to Lidové noviny, as this was the newspaper periodical with which Gellner co-operated most intensely; the detailed...

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2004-09-30Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:54:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 ribeiro_ia_me_fran.pdf: 1883453 bytes, checksum: 949727bbb0c4c6d2728224efc9bda977 (MD5) / Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP) / A Ação Integralista Brasileira constituiu-se na década de 1930, no mais importante movimento político de direita e no primeiro partido de massa do país. Influenciada pela ideologia fascista italiana, a A.I.B. criou núcleos espalhados por todo o Brasil, como na cidade de Olímpia, encravada nos anos 30 no então sertão de São Paulo. O núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista foi fundado em 1934 por Ruy do Amaral e teve no jornal “Cidade de Olympia” uma espécie de porta-voz não oficial do movimento. Entre 1932 e 1937, o semanário publicou 93 artigos e notícias dos mais diversos matizes sobre o movimento integralista, inclusive uma contundente entrevista com Plínio Salgado. É a partir da análise desses artigos e notícias e da história oral de dois dos principais camisas-verdes do sertão, Ruy do Amaral e Ítalo Galli, que tornou-se possível reconstruir parte da história de um núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista no interior do país. Tanto os textos escritos como as entrevistas, apresentam um movimento impregnado pelo fascismo e pelo anti-semitismo. A maioria dos camisas-verdes que escreveram artigos para o “Cidade de Olympia”, deixou clara sua adesão à A.I.B. por considerar o movimento uma cópia do fascismo e por adotar a posição anti-semita. Por outro lado, o movimento integralista em Olímpia ignorou o fato de atuar numa região de vida rural e teve uma inserção no campo insignificante. Mesmo portador de um discurso fascista, os integralistas do sertão, profissionais liberais em sua maioria, preferiram elitizar esse discurso, desprezar ações de mobilização das massas e perpetuar uma relação de “compadrio” com os coronéis que dominavam a vida política em Olímpia, constituindo, assim, uma espécie de “fascio de intelectuais”. / The Brazilian Integralist Action was formed in the decade of 1930, at the most important right political movement and at the first mass party of the country. Influenced by the Italian Fascist Ideology, the Brazilian Integralist Action created cores spread all over Brazil, like in the city of Olimpia, embedded in the 30s, then called “Sertão” (a less inhabited part in a country) of São Paulo. The Integralist Action Municipal Core was founded in 1934 by Ruy do Amaral and had in the newspaper “Cidade de Olympia” a type of non-official spokesman of the movement. Between 1932 and 1937, the weekly paper published 93 articles and news of the most diverse shades about the integralist movement, including an aggrieved interview with Plínio Salgado. It is from the analysis of these articles and news and the oral history of two of the main “green-shirts” from “Sertão”, Ruy do Amaral e Italo Galli, that it was possible to re-create part of the history of an Integralist Action Municipal Core at the inland country. The written texts, as well as the interviews, present a movement permeated by the Fascism and by the Anti-Semitism. Most of the “green-shirts” who wrote articles for the “Cidade de Olympia”, made clear their adhesion to the Brazilian Integralist Action for considering the movement a copy of fascism and for adopting the anti-semit position. On the other hand, the integralist movement in Olimpia ignored the fact of acting in a rural life region, and had an insignificant insertion in the country life. Even holding a fascist speech, the integralist from “Sertão”, liberal professionals mostly, preferred to select this speech, disregard mass mobilization actions and perpetuate a “compadrio”relation (close relation) with the Colonels who dominated the political life in Olimpia, building up, this way, a kind of “intelectual fascio”.

In the submitted thesis the author focuses on the rising popularity of extremist political parties in the Czech Republic. The popularity growth of extremist political parties in the Czech Republic is proven by election results in recent years. Right-wing extremists{\crq} ``combat power{\crqq} growth is closely connected with the increasing number of their followers. Regional elections in 2008, in which the Labour Party achieved almost 29 thousand votes, which represents eight times more than the party had achieved in the previous elections in 2004, can be a proof of that. What is more, this party achieved 1.07% votes in the European Parliament elections and it surpassed the limit which is necessary for the state subsidy requisition. In the Theoretical Part the author deals with definitions of basic terms ``extreme{\crqq} and ``radical{\crqq}. Then he deals with the theoretical division of the political scene, from both the current point of view and the historical point of view, into the rights and the lefts. Then he attends to some terms which are closely associated with extremism, such as: nationalism, anti-Semitism and racism. In the Conclusion of the Theoretical Part the author focuses on the far rights and the far lefts. He pays attention to both the current representatives and to their predecessors of those extreme lines. In the Practical Part the author sets his targets and defines hypotheses and he also attends to the used research procedure there. The research was made via questionnaire investigations. Questions were focused on people{\crq}s opinions which are related to inadaptable citizens and extremism. There were also some questions which were focused on activities of those parties in the above mentioned fields, regarding the inadaptable citizens and extremism, which have their members in the Parliament of the Czech Republic. In the Practical part of the thesis the author also evaluates the observed results in light of respondents{\crq} achieved level of education. In the Discussion of the thesis the author compares the observed data with the knowledge of experts. He also focuses on divergent opinions of asked respondents, in connection with their achieved level of education. The thesis and the observed results could be used by general public interested in extremism in the Czech Republic. Besides, the thesis and the observed results could be used as a source of information to improve general knowledge about the scene of extremism and about the problems pertaining to the scene in the Czech Republic.

The work deals with the analysis of truth and lie in the J. Becker´s piece of work. The theoretical part, which confronts the factual events with the authenticity of the piece of work, anticipates this analysis. The literary part stands for another inevitable condition for studying the truth and lie. The ``practical part{\crq}q or the reading is thoroughly dedicated to the study of the piece {--}both from the point of view of persons living in the ghetto in Warshaw and from the point of view of the main character, Jakob Heym, which leads to the analysis of truth and lie and to meeting the requirements for my graduation thesis. All my work is concluded by a dialogue with a priest who comes from the Silesian-Polish borderline. Because of the fact that he is also engaged into this problematic I am interested in his opinion about truth and lie in ghetto {--} not only as a Pole, but as a priest as well.

Broadly speaking, this research is intended to shed light on how post-genocide societies attempt to address a traumatic history and reconcile the problems of ethnic and religious hatred. Germany and Poland are especially ripe cases for such research given their historical memories of the Holocaust and unique legal and diplomatic efforts to counter anti-Semitism. However, since many of the policies on this issue have only been implemented in the past ten to fifteen years, there has not yet been a comprehensive study that has evaluated their effectiveness. This dissertation will attempt to fill this gap in the literature and provide new insight as to how states can best grapple with this problem. The central question for this research is: Have state policies been effective in reducing levels of anti-Semitic attitudes and incidents in Germany and Poland since 1990? This question will be investigated by first examining the historical development of anti-Semitism in each country, then discussing the policies implemented to address the problem, and finally evaluating the results of such measures. From a public policy perspective, this research will contribute to our understanding of the approaches taken by these two countries and discover which measures have been most effective in reducing anti-Semitic behavior and ideology. The findings show that while the policies implemented have tended to be effective in reducing general anti-Semitic attitudes and helping revive domestic Jewish communities, they have been less successful in reducing levels of anti-Semitic crime. The policy analysis portions of the dissertation provide a number of explanations for these outcomes and acknowledge areas for potential policy improvement. This research has implications not only for the region of Central Europe, but also other societies that continue to grapple with problems of ethnic and religious hatred.

Homo Perfidus: An Antipathology of the Coward’s Betrayal identifies and speaks to an ethical and methodological lacuna in western metaphysics with regards to betrayal. Following Levinas’ call for an ‘Ethics as first philosophy,’ my research question is: ‘How can I think of betrayal responsibly?’ I offer to approach betrayal as an accusation, one that comports an excessive hatred towards the identified ‘traitor.’ Suspending its moral vilification, I construct a broadly phenomenological method – which I call ‘antipathology’ – that proposes to take this hatred seriously; not as the sign of a lack to be filled or purloined with shame, but of a communication to respond-to. Tracking western thought’s metaphysical engagements – mainly via Kant, Hegel and Heidegger – my antipathology witnesses an exceedingly systematic muting of this hatred. Such a principled effacement of hatred’s signs is the very mechanism by which western thought “de-problematizes” betrayal, appropriating its otherness for its own metaphysical ends. To those ends, betrayal ceases to be an event and becomes its ‘prefiguration,’ a twist on an assumed temporal and causal progression. I focus here on the coward’s betrayal, broadly defined as secession from a principle – seen to give cohesion and legitimacy to a ‘Whole’ – of which this traitor was nevertheless an integral part until the event of her betrayal. Antipathology follows young Hegel’s ‘antisemitic’ association of the “Jewish spirit” with a principle of alienation and secession, a vain and hateful self-assertion that only “Christian spirit” can successfully negate, turning this drive for hateful dissociation to one of loving association (with progressively diminishing “remainders”). Reading modern philosophy’s treatment of the skeptic I show how her doubt can be appropriated and turned to ‘Truth’ in the same way that the Jews’ hateful and cowardly betrayal can be turned to absolute faith/love; what Hegel calls “negating the negation.” Both ‘Jew’ and ‘Skeptic’ here become antibodies in a process through which a ‘Whole’ slowly becomes immune, or insensitive to, the threat of future interruptions: outside of this process – offering no ‘Whole’ of their own – their respective interruptions are seen as expressions of vanity, of a ‘self’ that breaks-away from the bonds of belonging and love in a fit of gratuitous hatred and doubt; all in the name of a “who knows what” that for Hegel, as well as for Kant and Heidegger, amounts to precisely ‘Nothing.’ I conclude by a performative ‘antipathological’ reading of Dante’s Inferno alongside Kafka’s In the Penal Colony: while Dante, as a faithful ‘Christian’ witness to Divine Justice (Hell), desires to internalize the Truth of God, progressively renouncing the vain resistances of a ‘self’ not yet fully reconciled to God’s Being (the theological ‘Pleroma’ of the ‘Whole’), Kafka’s nameless traveler, as a skeptical ‘coward-witness,’ not only remains “unconverted” but also causes the violence that is implicit in the Dante-esque ‘progression’ to show itself. ‘Faith’ is here shown as progression from one betrayal-event to another, all of which require the believer to sacrifice another part of their resistance to the demands of the ‘Whole’ until no such resistance remains (or, at least, felt/expressed). Similarly, the Dante that begins his journey weeping for the suffering of Hell’s sinners, ends up kicking one of them in the face; deliberately, yet without hatred, as if it were a mere rock on the road. The coward’s betrayal consists in her ‘vain witness’ to time as rupture, as event, as the opening that puts her previous beliefs and attachments in radical question. The hatred towards the coward and the accusation of ‘traitor’ mark this question as a threat to the ‘Whole;’ a mark that, approached antipathologically, can open a discourse concerning the violence (and self-violence) that was and is necessary to keep the ‘Whole,’ through a narrated causal-historical time, from breaking apart. Painful and dangerous, this approach is, nonetheless, the only way to keep a system that abolished all ‘positions to complain’ from being equated with a ‘wholly just’ system; or to keep a knowledge-machine that successfully tames all doubts from being absolved.

La réflexion morale de Theodor Adorno est manifestement traversée par une tension : l’exigence paradoxale d’enraciner pleinement la morale à la fois dans les impulsions les plus vives et dans la raison la plus lucide. Plus qu’une excentricité parmi d’autres de la figure de proue de l’École de Francfort, le présent mémoire donne à penser que ce problème pourrait être une des principales charnières de son éthique. L’objectif de ma recherche est de dégager une voie pour articuler conjointement, «sans sacrifice aucun», ces deux exigences. Pour ce faire, je tenterai d’étayer l’hypothèse suivante : l’analyse du problème de la liberté et de la non-liberté que développe le premier des trois «modèles» de Dialectique négative permet de comprendre à la fois le lien et l’écart entre la dimension impulsive et rationnelle de l’éthique d’Adorno. L’argument qui sera déployé se penchera d’abord sur le problème de la non-liberté et son incarnation à travers le phénomène concret de l’antisémitisme ainsi que de la peur et de la rage animale dans lesquelles il s’enracine, pour ensuite examiner la conception adornienne de la liberté dans ses deux dimensions de «pleine conscience théorique» et «d’impulsion spontanée», et pour finalement tenter d’apprécier la portée plus générale pour la compréhension de l’éthique d’Adorno de cette interprétation du problème de la liberté en tentant de comprendre sur cette base son «nouvel impératif catégorique». / Throughout Theodor Adorno’s moral thought runs a paradoxical demand : that morality should be fully rooted in both the liveliest impulses and the keenest reasonings. More than a quirk among Adorno’s many, this essay suggests that this problem plays a pivotal role in his ethics. The current research seeks to develop a strategy to conjointly articulate these two demands. To this end, I will try to expound the following hypothesis : the analysis of the problem of freedom and unfreedom set forth by the first of the ‘models’ in Negative Dialectics enables making sense of both the bond and the disparity between the impulsive and rational constituents of adornian ethics. This study will first focus on the problem of unfreedom and its embodiment in the concrete phenomena of anti-Semitism as well as the animal fear and rage that it builds upon. It will then go on to examine Adorno’s conception of freedom in its two facets : «full theoretical consciousness» and «spontaneous impulse». It will finally try to ascertain the more general relevance of this interpretation of the problem of freedom for making sense of Adorno’s ethics, by trying to make sense on that basis of his «new categorical imperative».

L’intensité de la crise nouée autour de l’affaire Dreyfus n’est plus à démontrer. La presse y joue un rôle majeur. Les caricaturistes, en particulier, alimentent de leurs images les quotidiens et périodiques, des ouvrages, cartes postales et affiches. La palette des styles est large. Lorsqu’ils vont au-delà de l’hésitation – moment très court pour certains –, ils placent souvent leurs contributions dans un engagement construit, entre attaques et ripostes. Quand certains restent indécis ou indifférents, d’autres prennent le parti d’en rire. On constate aussi des pratiques de duplicité. À une époque d’âge d’or de la presse, l’iconographie de l’affaire Dreyfus se déploie dans de très nombreux journaux. Interrogées depuis les préludes de l’Affaire, les images donnent à voir une société tourmentée par la défaite de 1870, un patriotisme parfois nourri d’un esprit de revanche, une République trentenaire instable. Elles révèlent aussi la montée très démonstrative de l’antisémitisme et d’un nationalisme à multiples facettes, revigoré par la crise, qui fourbit ses armes contre le régime. Cette thèse examine en priorité le parcours des imagiers, afin d’apprécier l’impact de l’Affaire sur leur art. En second, elle explore comment ont évolué les figurations d’acteurs importants de l’Affaire, en particulier Émile Zola, Joseph Reinach et Henri Rochefort. / The intensity of the crisis brought about by the Dreyfus affair is a proven fact. The press plays a major role. Caricaturists, in particular, contribute their images to daily and periodical publications, books, postcards and posters. The range of styles is wide. After some hesitation – which can be very short - their contributions are constructed engagements of either attack or defence. While some are undecided or indifferent, others resort to humour. We can also see elements of duplicity. At a golden era for the press, iconography of the Dreyfus affair can be seen in numerous newspapers. The images, which have been analysed since the first signs of the Affair, show a society tormented by the defeat of 1870, a patriotism sometimes sustained by a spirit of revenge and an unstable thirty-year old Republic. They also illustrate the extremely demonstrative increase in anti-Semitism and in a multifaceted nationalism ; reinvigorated by a crisis polishing up its arms against the regime. This thesis studies, first and foremost, the careers of the caricaturists in order to appreciate the impact of the Affair on their art. Secondly, it explores the evolution of the presentation of major actors in the Affair; in particular Émile Zola, Joseph Reinach and Henri Rochefort.

The thesis is devoted to the fate of the Jews who lived in Kroměříž - the same fate that all the Jews in Protectorate Bohemia and Moravia suffered in the course the World War II. The beginning of the thesis discusses the history and development of the local Jewish residents and their culture. Most of the thesis is however dedicated to the 1930s and the beginning of the 1940s, i.e. the time of the First, and the Second Republic, as well as the Protectorate. A part of the thesis is also devoted to the Jewish sites of historical interest, most of which were sadly destroyed by the Nazi regime. Last but not least, the thesis discusses the return of the Jews, renewal of the Jewish community after 1945, its development, and also describes how to follow the legacy of the Jews from Kroměříž and recall or imagine how big the community was at that time. Keywords Jews, Kroměříž, jewish monuments, culture, Second World War, anti - Semitism, holocaust, deportation