Orientador: Fernando Kolleritz / Resumo: A Ação Integralista Brasileira constituiu-se na década de 1930, no mais importante movimento político de direita e no primeiro partido de massa do país. Influenciada pela ideologia fascista italiana, a A.I.B. criou núcleos espalhados por todo o Brasil, como na cidade de Olímpia, encravada nos anos 30 no então sertão de São Paulo. O núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista foi fundado em 1934 por Ruy do Amaral e teve no jornal "Cidade de Olympia" uma espécie de porta-voz não oficial do movimento. Entre 1932 e 1937, o semanário publicou 93 artigos e notícias dos mais diversos matizes sobre o movimento integralista, inclusive uma contundente entrevista com Plínio Salgado. É a partir da análise desses artigos e notícias e da história oral de dois dos principais camisas-verdes do sertão, Ruy do Amaral e Ítalo Galli, que tornou-se possível reconstruir parte da história de um núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista no interior do país. Tanto os textos escritos como as entrevistas, apresentam um movimento impregnado pelo fascismo e pelo anti-semitismo. A maioria dos camisas-verdes que escreveram artigos para o "Cidade de Olympia", deixou clara sua adesão à A.I.B. por considerar o movimento uma cópia do fascismo e por adotar a posição anti-semita. Por outro lado, o movimento integralista em Olímpia ignorou o fato de atuar numa região de vida rural e teve uma inserção no campo insignificante. Mesmo portador de um discurso fascista, os integralistas do sertão, profissionais liberais em sua maioria, preferiram elitizar esse discurso, desprezar ações de mobilização das massas e perpetuar uma relação de "compadrio" com os coronéis que dominavam a vida política em Olímpia, constituindo, assim, uma espécie de "fascio de intelectuais" / Abstract: The Brazilian Integralist Action was formed in the decade of 1930, at the most important right political movement and at the first mass party of the country. Influenced by the Italian Fascist Ideology, the Brazilian Integralist Action created cores spread all over Brazil, like in the city of Olimpia, embedded in the 30s, then called "Sertão" (a less inhabited part in a country) of São Paulo. The Integralist Action Municipal Core was founded in 1934 by Ruy do Amaral and had in the newspaper "Cidade de Olympia" a type of non-official spokesman of the movement. Between 1932 and 1937, the weekly paper published 93 articles and news of the most diverse shades about the integralist movement, including an aggrieved interview with Plínio Salgado. It is from the analysis of these articles and news and the oral history of two of the main "green-shirts" from "Sertão", Ruy do Amaral e Italo Galli, that it was possible to re-create part of the history of an Integralist Action Municipal Core at the inland country. The written texts, as well as the interviews, present a movement permeated by the Fascism and by the Anti-Semitism. Most of the "green-shirts" who wrote articles for the "Cidade de Olympia", made clear their adhesion to the Brazilian Integralist Action for considering the movement a copy of fascism and for adopting the anti-semit position. On the other hand, the integralist movement in Olimpia ignored the fact of acting in a rural life region, and had an insignificant insertion in the country life. Even holding a fascist speech, the integralist from "Sertão", liberal professionals mostly, preferred to select this speech, disregard mass mobilization actions and perpetuate a "compadrio"relation (close relation) with the Colonels who dominated the political life in Olimpia, building up, this way, a kind of "intelectual fascio" / Mestre

Toute l’œuvre d’Albert Cohen se centre autour de la mise en scène de fictions identitaires de la judéité. Le romancier avait pour projet d’écrire une vaste « geste des Juifs » à travers les aventures de Solal. Mais ce dessein, affiché délibérément pour les romans, semble en réalité dépasser leur cadre et proposer une immense fresque, autobiographique, romanesque, poétique comme théâtrale, où les aventures de la judéité s’exhibent comme l’actant principal et le ferment majeur d’une esthétique originale. La judéité se vit à la fois en tant qu’expérience singulière et en tant qu’aventure collective. Elle est ainsi un puissant moteur romanesque fondant une mythologie qui lui reste propre. Construite à l’aune d’une filiation homérique, la geste de la judéité propose, plus qu’une épopée à la manière des gestes traditionnelles, une traversée de l’existence juive au sein du monde occidental. Cette judéité, d’autant plus problématique qu’elle est sans cesse déniée et réaffirmée par une réquisition absolue de tout l’être juif, qu’elle se dit dans un rapport ambigu devant des origines inappropriables car lacunaires, représente une véritable dynamique de l’écriture tout autant que l’expression incertaine et contradictoire d’une pensée éthique et existentielle. Et la raison principale de ce mouvement puise dans la volonté de faire advenir un devenir-humain, par le biais de la Loi juive, qui modifiera le monde. Aussi, le Messie, figure obsédante et fascinante, hante l’imaginaire de Cohen, s’infiltrant partout, travaillant en sourdine le personnage de Solal et imposant sa facture singulière à l’être juif dans l’œuvre du romancier. Le messianisme chez Cohen est toujours pluriel et polymorphe. Il informe essentiellement des fictions de la judéité : la littérature se chargera de les décliner. / Albert Cohen’s oeuvre revolves around the staging of Jewish identity. Though the novels only were meant as illustrations of Cohen’s desire to write a vast “epic of the Jews” through Solal’s adventures, it would seem that all his works, be they autobiographical, poetic or dramatic, are in actual fact informed by this desire. So central is Jewish identity, experienced both individually and collectively, to Cohen’s thought and creative process that it appears to be the core of his idiosyncratic aesthetics, and that his writing is based on the myths it creates. However indebted they might be to Homer’s works, the novels are nevertheless less a proper epic than the story of Jewish life in the Western world and offer a complex image of Jewish identity. The latter is constantly both denied and reaffirmed and its origins are forever presented as uncertain. This complexity and uncertainty permeates not only Cohen’s writing, but his ethical and existential thought. What is expressed is the desire for the advent of humanity through the Jewish Law, which will change the world. The fascinating, all pervasive figure of the Messiah is thus obsessively present in Cohen’s creative imagination and defines Solal as well as all the Jewish characters in the novels. Cohen’s complex and protean Messianism informs the staging of Jewish identity that will then take various literary forms.

From 1933 to 1945, thousands of European Jews attempted to gain access to Canada in order to escape Nazi oppression. This thesis examines Canada’s immigration records and policies during this period. In addition to bringing light to key issues concerning popular Canadian perceptions of Jewish immigrants and refugees in the thirties and forties, this history raises important questions about the Canadian government and ethical responsibility in a time of war; about the relationship between government policy and provincial politics; and about the position taken by Canada’s longest serving Prime Minister, William Lyon Mackenzie King, and his Cabinet. The author’s research brings attention to Irving Abella and Harold Troper’s work, None is too Many, which, since its publication in 1982, has stood as the authoritative work on the subject. A variety of important issues which are not treated in detail in this earlier monograph are examined in depth in this analysis: The prevalence of anti-Semitism in French and English Canada, and the Canadian immigration record are treated in Chapter 2. Chapter 3 and 4 investigate accusations that William Lyon Mackenzie King, Ernest Lapointe, Frederick Charles Blair, and Vincent Massey harboured anti-Semitic views. It is found that such charges suffer from a serious lack of evidence. Although sometimes the language used by these men in their correspondence and letters can be shocking to the modern reader, it was the colloquial language during their lives. Furthermore, their personal documents often exhibit evidence of sincere sympathy for the Jews of Europe, and frustration with Canadian popular opinion. The author concludes that collective memory of the Holocaust has affected perceptions concerning the Canadian immigration record during the period in question. Anti-immigration sentiment was strong in Canada during the Depression. Nevertheless, as the Canadian Government became increasingly aware of the persecution of Jews within the Reich, particularly following the events of Kristallnacht in November of 1938, measures were put into place to ease Jewish immigration to Canada, such as including refugees among the admissible classes of immigrants. The Canadian Government did not begin to receive information concerning the extermination of European Jewry until 1942. By this time, there was hardly anything Canada could do. Heinrich Himmler had forbidden Jewish emigration from the Reich in October of 1941, the war was in full swing by 1942, and ships carrying refugees and PoWs were not safe from U-boat attacks. From 1933 to 1945 Canada allowed 8,787 Jews into the country. However, all immigration to Canada was slowed during this time. Consequently, Jews, in actuality, represented a higher percentage of immigrants arriving in Canada, at this time, than they had from 1923 to 1932. This illustrates Canada’s doors we not closed specifically to Jewish refugees during the Depression and Second World War.

This thesis inquires into the assimilation faction of the Jewish minority on the Bohemian territory at the end of the 19th century and first half of the 20th century which was represented by the Czech-Jewish movement. It presents the origins of the movement with a special focus on the period of the First Czechoslovak Republic. It examines the development of its identity which was formed by contemporary social-political events. The study presents the movement's attitudes towards Czech majority and towards the Czechoslovak state. It also describes its struggle with Anti-semitism and Zionism which were undermining the efforts of the assimilation into the major society. The thesis introduces Jindřich Kohn - the leading figure of this movement during the interwar period - and researches his attitude to assimilation and his reflection on antisemitism and Zionist movement. The references can be found at the end of the thesis. Major part of the thesis was based on thorough work with the resource materials, more specifically monographs of the representatives of Czech-Jewish movement from that period and the then magazines. The main resources were historical studies by associate professor Blanka Soukupová who was researching the Czech-Jewish movement. The aim of the study is to introduce the development of...

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Die Arbeit setzt sich mit Abwertungsmechanismen und Ressentiments auseinander. Es wird ausgeführt, was unter Vorurteilen zu verstehen ist und welche sozialpsychologischen Prozesse damit einhergehen. Weiterhin wurden exemplarisch zehn verschiedene Vorurteilsformen vorgestellt sowie das Konzept Gruppenbezogene Menschenfeindlichkeit erläutert, wonach der Kern einer ‘Ideologie der Ungleichwertigkeit‘ als allgemeine Charakteristika ursächlich hinter allen Ressentiments steht. Ein starker Fokus wurde in dieser Arbeit auf eine Erforschung möglicher Ursachen von Vorurteilen gelegt. Neben einer Reihe von Theorien über den Einfluss soziodemographischer Charakteristika, wurden die Konzepte der Relativen Deprivation, des Autoritarismus und der Anomia ausführlich behandelt. Die empirischen Auswertungen belegen, dass Autoritarismus als zentrale erklärende Variable für das Vertreten von Vorurteilen zu verstehen ist. Zusammenfassend kann ausgeführt werden, dass Menschen mit geringem Bildungsgrad und Personen, die in Ostdeutschland leben, besonders stark dazu neigen autoritäre Einstellungen zu vertreten, was nahezu deterministisch mit der Abwertung von schwachen Gruppen einhergeht.:1. Einleitung 2. Das Problem 3. Theorie 3.1. Stereotype 3.2. Vorurteile 3.2.1. Offene und subtile Vorurteile 3.2.2. Ausprägungen von Vorurteilen 3.2.3. Gruppenbezogene Menschenfeindlichkeit 3.3. Sozialpsychologische Erklärungsmodelle von Vorurteilen 3.3.1. Theorie der sozialen Identität 3.3.2. Theorie der Selbstkategorisierung 3.3.3. Terror Management Theorie 3.3.4. Autoritarismus 3.3.5. Anomia 3.3.6. Relative Deprivation 3.4. Sozialstrukturelle Erklärungsmodelle von Vorurteilen 3.4.1. Bildung 3.4.2. Urban-Peripherie-Differenz 3.4.3. Geschlecht 3.4.4. Ost-West-Differenz 3.4.5. Alter 3.5. Bielefelder Desintegrationsansatz 4. Hypothesenbildung 5. Methodische Vorbemerkungen 5.1. Daten 5.2. Gewichtung 5.3. Operationalisierung 5.3.1. Vorurteilsformen 5.3.2. Hypothetische Konstrukte als Einflussfaktoren 5.3.3. Soziodemographie 5.4. Methodenkritik 5.5. Exkurs Strukturgleichungsmodelle 6. Empirische Auswertung 6.1. Thesenkomplex 1: Welche gesellschaftlichen Gruppen vertreten Vorurteile besonders explizit? 6.2. Thesenkomplex 2: Lässt sich das Syndrom Gruppenbezogene Menschenfeindlichkeit empirisch belegen? 6.3. Thesenkomplex 3: Welche Determinanten beeinflussen die Ausprägung von Vorurteilen? 7. Zusammenfassung 8. Diskussion Literaturverzeichnis Anhang

Denna studie utforskar orsakerna till hatbrott, särskilt bland unga i Malmö, med hjälp av ett kvalitativt tillvägagångssätt. Tre unga individer med personlig koppling till hatbrott deltar i diskussioner om motivation, syn på offer och strategier för att bekämpa hatbrott. Strainteorin används som en av teoretisk ram för att förklara hur missnöje kan leda till avvikandebeteende, inklusive hatbrott. Resultaten pekar på negativa beteendemönster, nationalistiska tendenser och intolerans mot religioner eller etniciteter med religiös koppling som bidragande faktorer till hatbrott. Betydelsen av denna studie framhävs genom den begränsade mängden forskning i svenskt sammanhang där förövare intervjuats. / This study explores the causes of hate crimes, especially among young people in Malmö,using a qualitative approach. Three young individuals with a personal connection to hatecrime participate in discussions about motivation, views of victims and strategies to combathate crime. Strain theory is used as a theoretical framework to explain how dissatisfaction can lead to deviant behavior, including hate crimes. The results point to negative behavior patterns, nationalist tendencies and intolerance towards religions or ethnicities with areligious connection as contributing factors to hate crimes. The importance of this study is highlighted by the limited amount of research in a Swedish context where perpetrators havebeen interviewed.

Jews were present in Pietersburg [Polokwane] from the time of its establishment in 1868. They came from Lithuania, England and Germany. They were attracted by the discovery of gold, land and work opportunities. The first Jewish cemetery was established on land granted by President Paul Kruger in 1895. The Zoutpansberg Hebrew Congregation, which included Pietersburg and Louis Trichardt was established around 1897. In 1912, Pietersburg founded its own congregation, the Pietersburg Hebrew Congregation. A Jewish burial society, a benevolent society and the Pietersburg-Zoutpansberg Zionist Society was formed. A communal hall was built in 1921 and a synagogue in 1953. Jews contributed to the development of Pietersburg and held high office. There was little anti-Semitism. From the 1960s, Jews began moving to the cities. The communal hall and minister's house were sold in 1994 and the synagogue in 2003. Only the Jewish cemetery remains in Pietersburg. / Religious Studies & Arabic / M.A. (Judaica)

My thesis examines relations among practitioners of various religions, especially Christians and Jews, during the era when Jesus’ project went from being a Galilean sect, to a persecuted minority, to religio licita status, and eventually to imperial favor, all happening between the first century resurrection of Jesus and the fourth century rise of Constantine. There is an abiding image of the Church in wider public consciousness that it is unwittingly and in some cases antagonistically exclusionist. This is not a late-developing image. I trace it to the period that the church developed into a formal organization with the establishment of canons and creeds defined by Church councils. This notion is so pervasive that an historical retrospective of Christianity of any period, from the sect that became a movement, to the Reformation, to the present day’s multiple Christian iterations, is framed by the late Patristic era. The conflicts and solutions reached in that period provided enduring definition to the Church while silencing dissent. I refer here to such actions as the destruction of books and letters and the banishment of bishops. Before there emerged the urgent perceived need for doctrinal uniformity, the presence of Christianity provided a resilient non-militant opponent to and an increasing intellectual critique of all religious traditions, including that of the official gods that were seen to hold the empire together. When glaringly manifest cleavages in the empire persisted, the Emperor Constantine sought to use the church to help bring political unity. He called for church councils, starting with Nicaea in 325 CE that took no account for churches outside the Roman Empire, and many within, even though councils were called “Ecumenical.” The presumption that the church was fully representative without asking for permission from a broader field of constituents is just that: a presumption. This thesis studies the ancient world of Christianity’s growth to explore whether, in that age of new and untested toleration, there was a more advisable way of responding to the invitation to the political table. The answer to this can help us formulate, and perhaps revise, some of our conduct today, especially for Christians who obtain a voice in powerful places. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / D. Th. (Church History)

Bengt Lidforss (1868–1913) was professor of botany between 1910 and 1913. But after the turn of the century he also emerged as a charismatic leader within the Swedish working-class movement. He became one of its foremost publicists. In the social democratic newspaper Arbetet in Malmö he wrote about natural sciences but also about political, philosophical and literary issues. As a literary critic Lidforss was the keenest protector of the Scanian literary school, and his struggle for Ola Hansson and Vilhelm Ekelund has made its mark in Swedish literary history, as have his contributions in favour of Gustaf Fröding and August Strindberg, culminating in the polemic articles during the Strindberg Feud (1910–11). Skönhetsdyrkare och socialdemokrat. Studier i Bengt Lidforss litteraturkritiska gärning (Worshipper of Beauty And Social Democrat. Studies in Bengt Lidforss’ Achievement As A Literary Critic) emphasises the paradoxic combination of Lidforss’ fundamentally socialist views and a strong belief in art. To him art was not isolated from society but quite the contrary; a significant factor in the changing of society. The new socialistic human being should be ennobled by arts instead of emasculated by religion. With the help of Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of “field”, it is shown how Lidforss, by attacking leading middle-class newspapers and publicists, created for himself and Arbetet a constantly stronger position within the field of journalism. Within the field of literary criticism he attacked the middle-class critics, and thus participated in associating Strindberg and Fröding as well as the young Scanian writers with the working-class movement. Lidforss’ literary taste was seen as an alternative to middle-class taste and the worshipping of beauty thereby became fashionable among socialists. The fact that one finds sympathies not only for symbolism but also for decadent descriptions with Lidforss the socialist, has to do with the fact that the descriptions of the discomfort of the heroes revealed the disadvantages of the capitalist society. Nevertheless Lidforss’ issued warnings against programmatic pessimism, since he was of the opinion that literature should strengthen people in their struggle. When it came to the plight of the human being under capitalism he was a pessimist, but he believed the stronger in a future socialist society. The terms for the artists would be more tolerable in such a society, he prophesied. He admitted that revolutionary poetry could be useful but was of the opinion that the quality of art would lessen if it consciously served politics. The revolutionary poetry he praised in his reviews was poetry he found genuine and coming from the heart. He did not favour pronounced tendencies, but he liked to use poetry in a political context. / Bengt Lidforss (1868–1913) var botaniker, men också publicist och socialist. Skandalomsusad och färgstark har han porträtterats av ett stort antal skönlitterära författare, allt ifrån August Strindberg till Inger Alfvén. Hans mångsidiga medarbetarskap i Arbetet hjälpte tidningen fram till en uppmärksammad position. I denna bok skildras hans kamp för en ledande position också inom det litterära fältet. Lidforss var en skönhetsdyrkare av stora mått men samtidigt socialdemokrat. Detta ledde till att han stred på många kulturella arenor – inte bara mot kritiker, författare, och Svenska Akademien, utan också mot inflytelserika män inom kyrka och politik. Skönhetsdyrkare och socialdemokrat ger oss oväntade svar på vad dessa bataljer handlade om och vi får möta Lidforss samtida giganter som Fredrik Böök, Vilhelm Ekelund, Albert Engström, Verner von Heidenstam, Oscar Levertin, August Strindberg med flera.