Esta dissertação tem por tema o conceito de “bem comum”, tal como é compreendido por Tomás de Aquino em sua obra magna, a Suma Teológica. Teve-se por objetivo analisar as relações deste conceito tanto com a teologia quanto com o direito canônico do séc. XIII, saberes que embasam e legitimam as discussões sobre o bem comum na sociedade medieval. Também objetivou-se articular as reflexões de Tomás de Aquino ao desenvolvimento da Inquisição na Idade Média central. No primeiro capítulo, foi analisado como este conceito é entendido pelo teólogo e como está localizado na Suma, em outras palavras, quais são as outras reflexões que orbitam ao redor da questão do “bem comum” para Tomás. Nesse sentido, para entender as reflexões teológicas e jurídicas que embasam a concepção tomista de bem comum no séc. XIII, com o auxílio da metodologia da história intelectual, foi possível fazer um mapeamento na obra para verificar quais são as referências de autoridade (auctoritas) para o teólogo, sendo possível questionar: quem Tomás de Aquino cita ao falar sobre este conceito? Assim, filiando o Aquinate a uma tradição intelectual que remonta tanto a Agostinho quanto a Aristóteles, foi possível verificar qual é a inovação deste teólogo no debate em relação aos seus antecessores. No segundo capítulo, foi possível compreender que o conceito de bem comum está intimamente ligado às discussões de Tomás a respeito do pecado, da heresia, do lugar do herege na sociedade e sobre como e porquê ele deve ser exterminado da civitas. Situando a posição de Tomás a respeito do bem comum ao estabelecimento progressivo da Inquisição na Idade Média central, foi possível perguntar: Tomás de Aquino representa a Igreja na segunda metade do séc. XIII? Tal questionamento revelou que Tomás não é um representante unilateral da reforma que a Cristandade empreende no período. No último capítulo, o conceito de bem comum, conforme Tomás de Aquino, também foi associado ao desenvolvimento de uma sociedade perseguidora no séc. XIII, o que permitiu tanto refletir sobre uma “nova” espiritualidade que entra em vigor com a atuação dos mendicantes na civitas quanto, a partir de um exercício de antropologia escolástica, ver como Tomás, a exemplo dos seus pares, enxergava a comunidade cristã na qual estava inserido. Através da criação de uma categoria conceitual, a civitas christiana, foi possível entender que – pelo menos para Tomás de Aquino –, apesar da perseguição institucional empreendida, o lugar do herege na Idade Média não é fora da sociedade cristã, mas ao contrário, tendo funções a desempenhar nessa communitas, seu lugar é dentro dela. / The subject of this dissertation is the concept of “common good”, as understood by Thomas Aquinas in his magna opera, the Summa Theologica. One goal was to analyze the relationship of this concept with both the theology and in canon law of the XIIIth, knowledge that support and legitimize discussions of the common good in medieval society. Also aimed to articulate the thoughts of Thomas Aquinas to the development of the Inquisition in the Central Middle Ages. In the first chapter, was intended to analyze how this concept is understood by the theologian and as it is located in the document, in another way, what are the other reflections that orbiting the question of “common good” for Aquinas. In this sense, in order to understand the theological and juridical considerations underpinning the Thomist conception of the common good in XIIIth century with the help of the methodology of intellectual history, it was possible to map the work in order to verify what are the authority of references (auctoritas) to the theologian and, therefore, to question: who Aquinas quotes when talking about this concept? Wherefore, affiliating Aquinas to an intellectual tradition that dates back as far as Aristotle to Augustine, it was possible to find what is the innovation of this theologian in the debate over its predecessors. In the second chapter, from these issues, it was possible to understand that the concept of common good is closely linked to Aquinas’s discussions about sin, heresy, heretic’s place in society and how and why it should be destroyer from the civitas. Situating Aquinas’s position on the common good to the progressive establishment of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages central, it was questioned: Is Thomas Aquinas representative of Church in the second half of XIIIth century? Such questioning illustrated that Thomas is not an unilateral representative of reform that Christianity undertakes the period. In the last chapter, the concept of the common good, according Thomas Aquinas, was also associated with the development of a persecuting society in the XIIIth, which allowed both reflect about a “new” spirituality which takes effect with the activities of mendicants in the civitas as well as an exercise in scholastic anthropology, see how Aquinas, like its peers, understand the Christian community in which he was inserted. By creating a conceptual category, the civitas christiana, was possible to understand that – at least for Aquinas –, despite the undertaken institutional persecution, the place of the heretic in the Middle Ages is not “out” of Christian society, it’s the opposite, having duties in this communitas, their place is in it.

No description available.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

Giovanni Boteros (1544-1617) treatise <i>The Reason of State</i> (1589) seemed somewhat uncharacteristic of sixteenth-century political thought, considering the pride of place given to economics in his text. The Age of Reformation constituted not only a period of new ideas on faith but also one of new political thinking, and as the research into the influences on Boteros economic thought progressed, I began to consider the period as one where economic thinking was becoming more common among theologians of the reforming churches and bureaucrats of the developing states. Having been trained in the schools of the Jesuits, Botero was exposed to one of the most potent and intellectually uniform of all the reforming movements of the period, and I argue it was here that he first considered economics as an aspect of moral philosophy. While it cannot be proven positively that Botero studied or even considered economics during his association with the Jesuits (roughly from 1559-1580), the fact that a number of those who shaped the Jesuit Order in its first few generations discussed economics in their own treatises leads one to a strong circumstantial conclusion that this is where the economic impulse first rose up in his thinking. Indeed, it was this background that readied Botero to consider economics as an important part of statecraft with his reading of Jean Bodins (1530-1596) <i>The Six Books of the Republic</i> (1576), in which economics is featured quite prominently. Bodins own economic theory was informed primarily by his experience as a bureaucrat in the Parlement of Paris, where questions on the value of the currency and on the kings ability to tax his subjects were in constant debate among the advocates. I argue further that, upon his reading of Bodins <i>Republic</i>, Botero saw how economics could be fused with politics, and he then set out to compose his own treatise on political economy (although he certainly would not have called it such). In <i>The Reason of State</i>, Botero brought his Jesuit conception of economic morality together with Bodins writings on political economy to create a work, neither wholly Jesuit nor wholly Bodinian, which in the end outlined an overall political and economic structure of society quite distinct from the sum of its parts.

Questa tesi si occupa di analizzare il lavoro di Stanley Hauerwas, uno studioso di grande fama nel mondo accademico americano i cui testi sono molto letti in tutto il mondo. Tramite la lettura critica dell’intero corpus degli scritti di Hauerwas la tesi intende riflettere sul rapporto problematico tra Cristianesimo e liberalismo. A questo scopo, la tesi si concentra inizialmente sui presupposti filosofici che sono alla base delle argomentazioni di Hauerwas. In secondo luogo, riflette sulle idee ed istituzioni tipiche del liberalismo e sul loro rapporto con il Cristianesimo. Infine, descrive la proposta etica di Hauerwas e il modo con cui questa determina il tipo di politica che la chiesa e i cristiani dovrebbero avere. Seguendo l’ampiezza del lavoro di Hauerwas, la tesi si interessa di un gran numero di filosofi, teorici della politica e teologi, spaziando dagli scritti di Aristotele e Tommaso d’Aquino, alla filosofia del linguaggio di McCabe, Murdoch, e Wittgenstein, dalle riflessioni etiche di Kovesi, Anscombe, e MacIntyre, alle teorie politiche di Rawls, Stout e Coles. Grazie alla sottolineatura del ruolo delle virtù e della formazione morale, insieme all’enfasi posta sull’importanza che la tradizione della chiesa, le sue pratiche e il suo linguaggio hanno nel dare forma all’immaginazione e alle vite dei cristiani, Hauerwas descrive in maniera costruttiva e feconda una proposta politica genuinamente cristiana e ci aiuta a navigare le complessità del mondo contemporaneo. / The dissertation provides an in-depth analysis of the scholarship of Stanley Hauerwas, a very prominent figure in the American academy whose body of work is widely read in many countries. By providing a close reading of Hauerwas’ entire corpus, the dissertation aims at discussing the contested relationship between Christianity and liberalism. It does so first, by focusing on the philosophical presuppositions that shape Hauerwas’ overall argument. Second, it reflects on the main liberal commitments and institutions and their relationship with Christianity. Third, it describes Hauerwas’ ethical proposal and its bearings on the political commitments that the church and Christians ought to have. Following the breadth of Hauerwas’ work, the dissertation deals with a great number of philosophers, political theorists, and theologians, spanning from the writings of Aristotle and Aquinas, to the philosophy of language of McCabe, Murdoch, and Wittgenstein, to the ethical reflections of Kovesi, Anscombe and MacIntyre, and to the political theory of Rawls, Stout, and Coles. Through his stress on the role of virtues and moral formation, and by emphasizing the importance that the church’s tradition, language, and practices have in shaping the imagination and lives of Christians, Hauerwas gives a constructive and fruitful description of what a genuine Christian politics looks like and helps us navigate the complex world of today.

The thesis focuses on Aristotelian-Thomist ethics system. In mainly deals with the differences in concept of beatitude, good and related issues, like the science of virtues. The emphasis is placed on understanding and covering the differences in aproach of St. Thomas Aquinas and Aristotele to these ethical topics. Firs the thesis characterises the main issue in Nicomachean Ethics, then outlines the thoughts and ideas of St. Thomas Aquinas in his Commentary, with emphasis on its diference from Aristoteles teachings. First three chapters are therefore the more descriptive part of the thesis, which is based on both primary and secondary textual sources. The fourth chapter is, then, the crucial, practical part, that summarizes St. Thomas theses and ideas concerning beatitude, good and happiness, coming from his unrivaled Commentary on the Ethics.

This thesis deals with the objective and subjective cognition of beauty by a scholastic philosopher Thomas Aquinas. The initial chapters provide historical sources and a source of St. Thomas´s beauty, because beauty was not the main topic of theology and philosophy in the Middle Ages. From the definition of beauty, we know that beauty belongs to the cognitive power, thus next chapters present the activity of the senses and reason, by which we recognize beauty. (Pulchrum autem respicit vim cognoscitivam). This cognitive power results in the objective characteristics of beauty, ie.: a) integrity; b) proportion; c) clarity.) The penultimate chapter justifies the importance of knowledge of objective and subjective beauty, from which it follows in us enjoyment (delectatio et amor). If there is a reason to evaluate the knowledge and principles relating to the beauty, there is a necessary overlap present knowledge such as science. The final chapter addresses the interesting question of modern science - aesthetics: "Whether beauty, as written by Thomas Aquinas, is a specific distinct transcendental or only implicit transcendental initiated by the philosophers of the 20th century?" The thesis tries to show the importance of studying medieval philosophy in shaping topics such as beauty and art.

A presente dissertação investiga a interpretação de Tomás de Aquino ao problema dos futuros contingentes, relativo ao capítulo 9 do tratado De Interpretatione, de Aristóteles. O objetivo central é explicar qual a função do termo "determinate" na interpretação de Tomás. Para isso, reconstrói a noção aristotélica de proposição como uma atividade enunciativa, assim como investiga o Livro Gama da Metafísica, o qual defende os princípios de não contradição e terceiro excluído. Nesse percurso, chama a atenção para o fato de que, do ponto de vista da proposição, as formulações sintáticas dos princípios metafísicos são primeiras em relação às semânticas. Com isso, pretende identificar uma distinção entre as condições de sentido de uma proposição e a atribuição de um valor verdade e, através de tal distinção, propõe uma leitura para a solução de Tomás de Aquino ao problema referido. Conclui que a oposição contraditória como exclusiva e exaustiva é uma tese logicamente anterior à caracterização da proposição como bivalente ou determinadamente verdadeira ou falsa. / This dissertation investigates the interpretation of Thomas Aquinas to the problem of future contingents, concerning the chapter 9 of Aristotle's De Interpretatione. The main goal is to explain what is the function of the term "determinate" on Aquinas's interpretation. For that reason, the dissertation intends to reconstruct Aristotle's notion of proposition as an enunciating activity, as well as to investigate the Book Gamma of Metaphysics, which defends the principles of non-contradiction and excluded middle. During that reasoning, it turns the attention to the fact that, from the proposition's point of view, the syntactic formulations of the metaphysical principles are prior to the semantic ones. Thereby, it claims to identify a distinction between the sense conditions of a proposition and the attribution of a truth value and, as a result of that distinction, it proposes a reading of Aquinas's solution to the abovementioned problem. It concludes that the contradictory opposition as excluding and exhausting is a thesis logically prior to the characterization of a proposition as bivalent or determinately true or false.

Esta dissertação tem por tema o conceito de “bem comum”, tal como é compreendido por Tomás de Aquino em sua obra magna, a Suma Teológica. Teve-se por objetivo analisar as relações deste conceito tanto com a teologia quanto com o direito canônico do séc. XIII, saberes que embasam e legitimam as discussões sobre o bem comum na sociedade medieval. Também objetivou-se articular as reflexões de Tomás de Aquino ao desenvolvimento da Inquisição na Idade Média central. No primeiro capítulo, foi analisado como este conceito é entendido pelo teólogo e como está localizado na Suma, em outras palavras, quais são as outras reflexões que orbitam ao redor da questão do “bem comum” para Tomás. Nesse sentido, para entender as reflexões teológicas e jurídicas que embasam a concepção tomista de bem comum no séc. XIII, com o auxílio da metodologia da história intelectual, foi possível fazer um mapeamento na obra para verificar quais são as referências de autoridade (auctoritas) para o teólogo, sendo possível questionar: quem Tomás de Aquino cita ao falar sobre este conceito? Assim, filiando o Aquinate a uma tradição intelectual que remonta tanto a Agostinho quanto a Aristóteles, foi possível verificar qual é a inovação deste teólogo no debate em relação aos seus antecessores. No segundo capítulo, foi possível compreender que o conceito de bem comum está intimamente ligado às discussões de Tomás a respeito do pecado, da heresia, do lugar do herege na sociedade e sobre como e porquê ele deve ser exterminado da civitas. Situando a posição de Tomás a respeito do bem comum ao estabelecimento progressivo da Inquisição na Idade Média central, foi possível perguntar: Tomás de Aquino representa a Igreja na segunda metade do séc. XIII? Tal questionamento revelou que Tomás não é um representante unilateral da reforma que a Cristandade empreende no período. No último capítulo, o conceito de bem comum, conforme Tomás de Aquino, também foi associado ao desenvolvimento de uma sociedade perseguidora no séc. XIII, o que permitiu tanto refletir sobre uma “nova” espiritualidade que entra em vigor com a atuação dos mendicantes na civitas quanto, a partir de um exercício de antropologia escolástica, ver como Tomás, a exemplo dos seus pares, enxergava a comunidade cristã na qual estava inserido. Através da criação de uma categoria conceitual, a civitas christiana, foi possível entender que – pelo menos para Tomás de Aquino –, apesar da perseguição institucional empreendida, o lugar do herege na Idade Média não é fora da sociedade cristã, mas ao contrário, tendo funções a desempenhar nessa communitas, seu lugar é dentro dela. / The subject of this dissertation is the concept of “common good”, as understood by Thomas Aquinas in his magna opera, the Summa Theologica. One goal was to analyze the relationship of this concept with both the theology and in canon law of the XIIIth, knowledge that support and legitimize discussions of the common good in medieval society. Also aimed to articulate the thoughts of Thomas Aquinas to the development of the Inquisition in the Central Middle Ages. In the first chapter, was intended to analyze how this concept is understood by the theologian and as it is located in the document, in another way, what are the other reflections that orbiting the question of “common good” for Aquinas. In this sense, in order to understand the theological and juridical considerations underpinning the Thomist conception of the common good in XIIIth century with the help of the methodology of intellectual history, it was possible to map the work in order to verify what are the authority of references (auctoritas) to the theologian and, therefore, to question: who Aquinas quotes when talking about this concept? Wherefore, affiliating Aquinas to an intellectual tradition that dates back as far as Aristotle to Augustine, it was possible to find what is the innovation of this theologian in the debate over its predecessors. In the second chapter, from these issues, it was possible to understand that the concept of common good is closely linked to Aquinas’s discussions about sin, heresy, heretic’s place in society and how and why it should be destroyer from the civitas. Situating Aquinas’s position on the common good to the progressive establishment of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages central, it was questioned: Is Thomas Aquinas representative of Church in the second half of XIIIth century? Such questioning illustrated that Thomas is not an unilateral representative of reform that Christianity undertakes the period. In the last chapter, the concept of the common good, according Thomas Aquinas, was also associated with the development of a persecuting society in the XIIIth, which allowed both reflect about a “new” spirituality which takes effect with the activities of mendicants in the civitas as well as an exercise in scholastic anthropology, see how Aquinas, like its peers, understand the Christian community in which he was inserted. By creating a conceptual category, the civitas christiana, was possible to understand that – at least for Aquinas –, despite the undertaken institutional persecution, the place of the heretic in the Middle Ages is not “out” of Christian society, it’s the opposite, having duties in this communitas, their place is in it.

Heterodox master of liberal arts and theirs discussions with Thomas Aquinas Mgr. Miroslav Severa Summary: The proposed thesis deals with two important issues discussed by Tomas Aquinas in connection with the averroistic controversy that occurred in the second half of the thirteenth century in Paris. The topics are On the eternity of the world and On the unity of intellect. Its author defends the position that concerning the problem On the eternity of the Word is the solution proposed by Thomas Aquinas closer to the position of heterodox masters of liberal arts then to the attitude of some orthodox theologians. The heterodox teaching On the unity of intellect is by Thomas sufficiently disproven. The doctrine of Thomas Aquinas doesn't need to always constitute an irreconcilable antithesis against the attitude of heterodox masters as it is described by some authors. The thesis also deals the two topics on the historical background of the condemnations issued by the Parisian bishop Stephan Tempier in the years 1270 and 1277. Although the heterodox masters of liberal arts are in their philosophizing strongly influenced by the Arab philosopher Averroes theirs position concerning the relationship between fides and ratio is different. Averroes says that when the conflict between reason and revelation occurs than...