<p>Syftet med denna uppsats har varit att försöka besvara frågan: Vilka attityder och värderingar kommer till uttryck i Lars Ohlys respektive Göran Hägglunds användning av metaforer i debatten om arbetslöshetspolitiken? Jag har valt att studera de metaforer som förekommer när det gäller arbetslösa, arbetslöshet och den egna politiken i frågan. Jag har också analyserat de metaforer som används när de talar om/bemöter sina motståndare och deras politik. De artefakter jag har använt i min undersökning är två tal samt en TV-sänd partiledardebatt.</p><p>Min ena hypotes var att det i talarens val av metaforer döljer sig attityder och värderingar som kanske inte syns vid ett oreflekterat mottagande av talarens budskap. Efter att ha studerat de båda partiledarnas val och användning av metaforer vill jag, till viss del,  påstå att en stor del av metaforerna öppet signalerar attityder och värderingar, inte minst när de tillskriver varandra negativa sådana. Men vissa värderingar syns först efter lite hårdare skrapande på ytan. Det intressanta är dock att båda partierna tycks vilja tillskriva sig själva liknande attityder och värderingar som i bägge fallen bygger på solidaritet, empati och förståelse. Samtidigt, som de båda, vill tillskriva varandra rakt motsatta värderingar.</p><p>Min andra hypotes var att jag skulle kunna se övergripande frames som visar på olika underliggande attityder och värderingar, och till viss del tycker jag mig ha fått min hypotes besannad. Ohly och Hägglund visar prov på övergripande frames och metaforsystem som kan påverka hur vi, och de,uppfattar vår omvärld och därmed också hur vi handlar. Ohly skapar en frame för de arbetslösa som oskyldiga offer som står maktlösa inför yttre krafter. Hägglund koncentrerar istället sin frame för arbetslöshetspolitiken kring behovet av goda förutsättningar för företagande. Dessa olika attityder till frågan om arbetslöshet lämnar olika handlingsutrymme.</p><p>Sammanfattningsvis kan jag säga att det i en undersökning som denna är svårt att dra en kortfattad slutsats, då den rika flora av metaforer som används kan tolkas som olika attityder och värderingar, och därmed präglas attityder och värderingar av mångfald.</p> / <p>In this dissertation (written in Swedish), I have tried to answer the question ”Which attitudes and values are expressed in the metaphores that Lars Ohly and Göran Hägglund uses in the debate of unemployement?” I have studied the metaphores used when they mention the question of unemployement, but also when they talk about their respective political parties’ politics and the other party’s political standpoint.</p><p>One of my hypothesis was that the choice of metaphores conceals attitudes and values that are not so apparent for an unreflected listening. Though, in some aspects, my reserach has shown that some of  the metaphores openly signals attitudes and values. Not the least when they try to give each other negative values. And yet, some values are not as apparent, it takes some reflection to notice them. One interesting thing, though, is, that they both tries to givet hem selves attitudes and values built upon solidarity, compassion and understanding – meanwhile they both tries to attach the oposing values upon each other.</p><p>Another hypothesis was that I also would be able to se frames that could show underlying attitudes and values. In some ways I did find this. Ohly, as well as Hägglund, shows examples  of ”overall-frames” and systems of metaphores which can affect the way we percept our world and also the way we chose to act and make decisions. Ohly creates a frame for the unemployed as innocent victims, who powerlessly faces outer forces, while Hägglund concentrates his frame around the need of good conditions for companies. These two different attitudes towards the question of unemployement creates different alternatives on how to decide and act.</p><p>It is hard to draw a short conclusion in an analysis as this one, since the richness of the metahpores used can be interpreted as different values and attitudes. One conclusion is that values and attitudes are characarized whith multitude.</p> / Bilagor ej bifogade. Exempel på analyserade metaforer finns dock i uppsatsen.

Syftet med denna uppsats har varit att försöka besvara frågan: Vilka attityder och värderingar kommer till uttryck i Lars Ohlys respektive Göran Hägglunds användning av metaforer i debatten om arbetslöshetspolitiken? Jag har valt att studera de metaforer som förekommer när det gäller arbetslösa, arbetslöshet och den egna politiken i frågan. Jag har också analyserat de metaforer som används när de talar om/bemöter sina motståndare och deras politik. De artefakter jag har använt i min undersökning är två tal samt en TV-sänd partiledardebatt. Min ena hypotes var att det i talarens val av metaforer döljer sig attityder och värderingar som kanske inte syns vid ett oreflekterat mottagande av talarens budskap. Efter att ha studerat de båda partiledarnas val och användning av metaforer vill jag, till viss del,  påstå att en stor del av metaforerna öppet signalerar attityder och värderingar, inte minst när de tillskriver varandra negativa sådana. Men vissa värderingar syns först efter lite hårdare skrapande på ytan. Det intressanta är dock att båda partierna tycks vilja tillskriva sig själva liknande attityder och värderingar som i bägge fallen bygger på solidaritet, empati och förståelse. Samtidigt, som de båda, vill tillskriva varandra rakt motsatta värderingar. Min andra hypotes var att jag skulle kunna se övergripande frames som visar på olika underliggande attityder och värderingar, och till viss del tycker jag mig ha fått min hypotes besannad. Ohly och Hägglund visar prov på övergripande frames och metaforsystem som kan påverka hur vi, och de,uppfattar vår omvärld och därmed också hur vi handlar. Ohly skapar en frame för de arbetslösa som oskyldiga offer som står maktlösa inför yttre krafter. Hägglund koncentrerar istället sin frame för arbetslöshetspolitiken kring behovet av goda förutsättningar för företagande. Dessa olika attityder till frågan om arbetslöshet lämnar olika handlingsutrymme. Sammanfattningsvis kan jag säga att det i en undersökning som denna är svårt att dra en kortfattad slutsats, då den rika flora av metaforer som används kan tolkas som olika attityder och värderingar, och därmed präglas attityder och värderingar av mångfald. / In this dissertation (written in Swedish), I have tried to answer the question ”Which attitudes and values are expressed in the metaphores that Lars Ohly and Göran Hägglund uses in the debate of unemployement?” I have studied the metaphores used when they mention the question of unemployement, but also when they talk about their respective political parties’ politics and the other party’s political standpoint. One of my hypothesis was that the choice of metaphores conceals attitudes and values that are not so apparent for an unreflected listening. Though, in some aspects, my reserach has shown that some of  the metaphores openly signals attitudes and values. Not the least when they try to give each other negative values. And yet, some values are not as apparent, it takes some reflection to notice them. One interesting thing, though, is, that they both tries to givet hem selves attitudes and values built upon solidarity, compassion and understanding – meanwhile they both tries to attach the oposing values upon each other. Another hypothesis was that I also would be able to se frames that could show underlying attitudes and values. In some ways I did find this. Ohly, as well as Hägglund, shows examples  of ”overall-frames” and systems of metaphores which can affect the way we percept our world and also the way we chose to act and make decisions. Ohly creates a frame for the unemployed as innocent victims, who powerlessly faces outer forces, while Hägglund concentrates his frame around the need of good conditions for companies. These two different attitudes towards the question of unemployement creates different alternatives on how to decide and act. It is hard to draw a short conclusion in an analysis as this one, since the richness of the metahpores used can be interpreted as different values and attitudes. One conclusion is that values and attitudes are characarized whith multitude. / Bilagor ej bifogade. Exempel på analyserade metaforer finns dock i uppsatsen.

<p>The purpose of this study was to increase knowledge about what the lives of the unemployed youth of immigrant background looks like, and what the views of the unemployed young people are about work and employment. The study is a qualitative study where the empirical material is based on interviews with seven unemployed immigrant youth between the ages of 19 and 25 years. A study where the central questions was to explore how the informants' living conditions and identity are affected by being unemployed. The other issues aimed at how informants background affected their ability to enter the labour market, and the job expectations the informants had about the future and the Swedish labour market. Empirin have been analyzed with regard to methodology tool based theory, as well as theoretical starting points, such as social capital, formal and informal channels, ethnicity and stigma theory. The result is shown in five different disciplines on the basis of informants experiences of the situation they are in. These topics are <em>The unemployment and welfare</em>, <em>The social network's importance</em>, <em>The foreign name the obstacles</em>, <em>The road to the labour market</em> and finally, <em>The social environment</em>. The results show that informants welfare was affected in a destructive way when informants experienced a lack of employment. Informants perceived that the social network's importance was very prominent in the labour market, which proved, however, that informants social networks were very limited and without a resource for them. The result also shows that the majority of informants had been discriminated against by employers. A crucial factor for this form of discrimination were informants background and the foreign name. Road to the labour market was perceived stressful when the economic situation in the country was unstable and in decline. The results suggest that the informants had to lower their job expectations when they could not change the situation. Moreover, it appeared to indicate that ambient performances that immigrant segregated areas are perceived as socially vulnerable, both as a social problem for society. Informants self-image was negatively affected by the social environment perceptions of immigrants segregated neighbourhoods, which were seen by informants as a contributing factor that made their job opportunities more difficult.</p>

The purpose of this study was to increase knowledge about what the lives of the unemployed youth of immigrant background looks like, and what the views of the unemployed young people are about work and employment. The study is a qualitative study where the empirical material is based on interviews with seven unemployed immigrant youth between the ages of 19 and 25 years. A study where the central questions was to explore how the informants' living conditions and identity are affected by being unemployed. The other issues aimed at how informants background affected their ability to enter the labour market, and the job expectations the informants had about the future and the Swedish labour market. Empirin have been analyzed with regard to methodology tool based theory, as well as theoretical starting points, such as social capital, formal and informal channels, ethnicity and stigma theory. The result is shown in five different disciplines on the basis of informants experiences of the situation they are in. These topics are The unemployment and welfare, The social network's importance, The foreign name the obstacles, The road to the labour market and finally, The social environment. The results show that informants welfare was affected in a destructive way when informants experienced a lack of employment. Informants perceived that the social network's importance was very prominent in the labour market, which proved, however, that informants social networks were very limited and without a resource for them. The result also shows that the majority of informants had been discriminated against by employers. A crucial factor for this form of discrimination were informants background and the foreign name. Road to the labour market was perceived stressful when the economic situation in the country was unstable and in decline. The results suggest that the informants had to lower their job expectations when they could not change the situation. Moreover, it appeared to indicate that ambient performances that immigrant segregated areas are perceived as socially vulnerable, both as a social problem for society. Informants self-image was negatively affected by the social environment perceptions of immigrants segregated neighbourhoods, which were seen by informants as a contributing factor that made their job opportunities more difficult.