This thesis deals with the question of evil as privatio boni according to the teachings of Augustine of Hippo and the conception of evil in the work of Carl Gustav Jung who denied this Augustine's teachings. In the thesis I analyze attitudes that adopt both thinkers to categories of good and evil in relation to impacts of their conceptions on understanding of God, self-understanding of man, of his life, death and salvation, further of the relation of God and man and the human moral responsibility before God and society. Augustine maintains that evil is an absence of good, but Jung thinks that the reality is put together from the balance of good and evil. Their attitudes I scarify with the aid of the secondary literature and the explanation of that biblical places that both thinkers refer to.

Héritier de la culture classique antique et ancien professeur de rhétorique, Augustin d'Hippone (354-430) est l'auteur d'une oeuvre vaste et variée où il s'illustre comme un théologien, philosophe, pasteur à la pensée originale et puissante. Il n'est pas connu cependant comme historien et n'est pas l'auteur d'ouvrages spécifiquement historiques. Pourtant, comme évêque africain et autorité intellectuelle reconnue de ses contemporains, il a été amené à s'engager dans des controverses pour lesquelles il a utilisé une argumentation historique construite avec rigueur.Les méthodes avec lesquelles Augustin rassemble et critique ses sources et interprète l'histoire sont étudiées à partir de la Cité de Dieu et des traités anti-donatistes. Elles sont analysées en fonction du contexte culturel antique, à l'aide des réflexions historiographiques contemporaines. De quelle façon Augustin répond-il aux exigences d'un travail historique lorsqu'il aborde l'histoire de Rome et de l'Église ?Les recherches ont été menées en trois étapes pour envisager tout d'abord Augustin comme historien de Rome et particulièrement de la République romaine, puis comme historien du rôle de la religion (païenne et chrétienne) à Rome, et enfin comme historien du schisme donatiste en Afrique. Ces axes d'études permettent d'approfondir l'analyse des méthodes d'Augustin et de mettre en valeur une progression, d'un travail accompli à partir de sources secondaires sur une époque éloignée, à un travail mené partir d'une documentation qu'il réunit lui-même sur l'histoire de l'Église de son temps. / Steeped in ancient classical culture and a former professor of rhetoric, Augustine of Hippo (354-430) is considered as a distinguished theologian, philosopher, and pastor, with original andpowerful thoughts. He is not known as a historian, and is not the author of historical works.However, as a bishop and an intellectual authority recognized by his contemporaries, he wasconducted to conduct controversies during which he used a rigorously built historicalargumentation.The way Augustine collects and criticizes his sources, and interprets history, are studied based onCity of God and anti-Donatist writings. These are analyzed taking account to ancient culturalcontext, and using contemporary historiographical approach. Does Augustin reach the historicalwork standard when he addresses the history of Rome and the Church ?The research was conducted in three stages ; first considering Augustine as an historian of Romeand especially of the Roman Republic, then as an historian of the role of pagan and Christianreligion in Rome, and finally as an historian of the Donatist schism in Africa. These steps revealthe progression of Augustine methods, from a work based on secondary sources dealing with anancient period, to a work conducted from documents that he personnally gathers on thecontemporary history of the Church.

Around the time of his famous conversion in 386, Augustine planned to dedicate a treatise to each of the artes liberales. However, he finished only a work on grammar and the first part of the De musica (books I-VI), which deals with rhythmus\the second part, which was to treat melos, was never written, since Augustine became occupied with his ecclesiastical career. The present work is the first critical edition of the sixth book of the De musica; the Latin text is accompanied by an English translation. The introduction includes a full analysis of the manuscript tradition from the 8th to the 14th century and a selective analysis of the later manuscript tradition. Among the conclusions reached are that all extant manuscripts descend from a single archetype which is not identical with the original text, that most manuscripts can be divided into four families, and that the text can be established on the basis of six of the oldest manuscripts. The introduction also contains a discussion of the much-debated question concerning Augustine's own revision of the sixth book, a section where solutions are proposed to several textual problems that were confronted during the establishment of the text, and a selective commentary on the contents of the sixth book of the De musica.

The challenge of the just war theory in the post-modern era is compounded by technologic advances in warfare and the friction among state actors in a decentralized state system. The inquiry of this investigation on just war is the extent of its validity in an era that extols the sciences and human reason on the one hand and economic necessity on the other as the standard by which state actors regulate their political objectives. The thesis Just war; unjust consequences examines the longevity of the just war tradition, its moral necessity throughout history and its indispensable application in the nuclear age. Chapter 2 examines the moral foundations of the ‘two kingdoms’, which formulates the background of the just war theory, from the biblical account of the great controversy between good and evil to the formation of modern church/state relations. Within the ancient and contemporary setting, ecclesiastical and theological traditions have provided a public platform to establish moral parameters in regards to state actor intent and post-modern application, such as the U.S.-Iraq war. Chapter 3 investigates Augustine’s enduring contribution to the moral and historical formation and longevity of the just war theory. From its earliest development to its modern antecedent the just war theory has been an integral aspect of the philosophical and theological analysis distinguishing ‘why’ and ‘how’ wars are fought and the import of moral parameters to manage international conflict. Chapter 4 examines Reinhold Niebuhr’s contribution to the realist tradition and U.S. foreign policy in the 20th and 21st centuries. This section examines the impact of the modern state actor’s intent for war. The primary issue is that the classical formulation that identifies human nature as the catalyst of social disorder and war is superseded by the scientific method, which adheres to the viewpoint that war is complicated by numerous economic and political factors. Hans Morgenthau’s realist tradition of international relations theory, which advocates that humankind is the centric disruptive force by its abuse of power at all levels of human interaction especially among nations was eventually eclipsed by Kenneth Waltz’s neorealist school of thought, which shifted the culpability of war from the egocentricities of human nature to the disproportions of economic and military power among competing state actors in a decentralized state system. This shift in international relations theory within the framework of weapons of mass destruction contested the validity of the just war tradition in the nuclear age. Chapter 5 reasserts the Christian realist tradition’s viewpoint that the perpetrator for war is the individual actor within collective competitive self-interest, epitomized by the state actor. The classical model is reinstated as a plausible cause for war. It is within this framework that a contemporary adaptation of the just war moral theory is provided to contest the contemporary complexities of warfare in the 21st century. Chapter 6 investigates the practical challenges of modern warfare. The background of Operation Iraqi Freedom reveals the complications of state actor competition in international politics, and the necessity of moral parameters to thwart unwarranted state actor aggression. Finally, Chapter 7 reiterates, the prolonged necessity of the just war tradition in both the ancient and modern eras and, the import of moral parameters to thwart unwarranted state actor aggression and provides a reformulation of the just war moral theory to challenge the viewpoint that deems the utility of weapons of mass destruction as viable national security alternative and its tactical application in warfare. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2014 / gm2015 / Practical Theology / PhD / Unrestricted

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This examination of the first five years of his preaching identifies key ways in which Augustine of Hippo transformed classical rhetoric into the pattern he would later outline in De doctrina christiana. This thesis argues that Augustine began his career as a priest giving sermons in line with the sophistic speeches he had taught before his conversion, but that by 396 he had "redeemed" his rhetoric to fit the new purposes of the Christian church. During these early years, Augustine reduced or removed the classical exordia and perorations in order to meld his sermons into the liturgy. He also humbled, but did not eliminate, his rhetorical polish as he shifted the main purpose of rhetoric from pleasing the elites to teaching the masses.

Le Liber contra collatorem est un traité composé par Prosper d’Aquitaine en 432-433, qui réfute les positions d’un certain « conférencier », c’est-à-dire l’auteur des Conférences, Jean Cassien. C’est dans cette œuvre que Prosper, défenseur de saint Augustin et de sa doctrine de la grâce, a pu fournir la critique la plus complète des théories propagées par les adversaires provençaux de l’évêque d’Hippone, en s’appuyant exclusivement sur des extraits tirés de la Conl. XIII « Sur la protection de Dieu ».En abordant, dans une première partie, les aspects les plus importants de l’œuvre (finalité du traité, modus operandi, genre littéraire, pratiques polémiques, enjeux théologiques), la présente thèse cherche à défendre l’hypothèse qu’en composant son Liber, Prosper a voulu constituer un dossier à charge suffisamment argumenté pour obtenir de l’évêque de Rome une condamnation officielle de ce que l’on a nommé le « semipélagianisme » et, par là, la reconnaissance de l’autorité de la doctrine augustinienne en matière de grâce. La seconde partie consiste en l’étude de l’ensemble de la tradition manuscrite du traité et des témoignages médiévaux le concernant, qui permet de mettre en évidence une histoire du texte aussi riche que complexe, qui justifie pleinement l’établissement d’une nouvelle édition – la première qui soit critique – de nature à corriger un textus receptus, datant de 1711, qui ne laisse pas d’être par endroits problématique. Cette édition est assortie d’une traduction française et d’une annotation destinée à éclairer les passages les plus importants ou les moins facilement compréhensibles du texte. / The Liber contra collatorem is a treatise written in 432-433 by Prosper of Aquitaine, who refutes the positions taken by a certain “lecturer”, by which John Cassian is meant, author of the Conferences. As an advocate of Augustine and of his doctrine of grace, Prosper has provided in this work most fully his criticism of the theories expressed by the bishop of Hippo’s Southern-French opponents. In order to do this, Prosper built only on excerpts from Conference nr. 13, “On the protection of God”. The first part of this thesis addresses the principal aspects of the work: the purpose of the treatise, the modus operandi, the literary genre, polemical practices, and theological issues. In doing so, this thesis defends the hypothesis that Prosper wrote his treatise in order to assemble a sufficiently argued file to obtain an official condemnation by the bishop of Rome of what has been called “Semipelagianism” and thus the recognition of the authority of the Augustinian doctrine of grace. The second part presents a study of the manuscript tradition of the treatise and of its medieval testimonies, which allows unraveling a rich and complex textual history. Hence, a new edition is justified, the first critical one, correcting and replacing the textus receptus dating from 1711, which is problematic at various points. The edition here presented is provided with a French translation and annotated in order to cast light on the most important or les easily comprehensible passages of the text.

Cette thèse montre que, dans les Sermones in Matthaeum, les interprétations scripturaires développées par Augustin d’Hippone ont fait l’objet d’un choix, que justifie une adaptation pastorale au double contexte historique et liturgique de la prédication. Établi à partir du classement thématique des Mauristes, le « corpus » regroupe des sermons prêchés en différents lieux, entre 393 et 430 ; il se prête donc à une évaluation de ces adaptations.Le chapitre 1 propose une synthèse critique des données contextuelles (historiques, géographiques, sociologiques et liturgiques) concernant ces sermons, comme autant de pierres d’attente à d’éventuelles adaptations ; le chapitre 2 montre que leur texte biblique, souvent vieux latin, a parfois un substrat africain. Les chapitres 3 à 6 analysent l’exégèse d’une vingtaine de sermons choisis pour leur dimension réflexive afin de questionner, de manière inductive, les motifs des adaptations exégétiques. Les études comparent les interprétations du texte commenté à celles présentes dans les autres œuvres augustiniennes et dans la tradition patristique, et intègrent une approche rhétorique. Homilétique, cette exégèse se situe, comme les sermons qui la développent, à l’intersection entre Parole de Dieu (chapitres 3 et 4) et réponses des hommes (chapitres 5 et 6). Elle assume la situation historique dans laquelle elle est élaborée pour, en s’insérant dans la dynamique de la liturgie dont elle reçoit la matière du commentaire et la finalité qui l’oriente, faire en sorte que la res qu’elle transmet de façon quasi sacramentelle par les uerba du prédicateur, fructifie chez les auditeurs.Cette thèse comprend aussi une bibliographie et quatre annexes : un fichier signalétique sur les Sermones in Matthaeum et son résumé, les relevés des occurrences augustiniennes des citations étudiées et la liste des lectures liturgiques de l’Évangile de Matthieu. / This doctoral thesis shows that in Sermones in Matthaeum the biblical interpretations developed by Augustine of Hippo were selected in order to comply with a pastoral adaptation to the double historical and liturgical preaching context. Established on the basis of the Maurists’ thematic classification, the corpus contains sermons preached in different places between 393 and 430; it is therefore suitable for evaluating these adaptations. Chapter 1 gives a critical survey of the contextual data (historical, geographical, sociological and liturgical) concerning these sermons, to be taken as potential, adaptable building blocks; chapter 2 shows that the biblical text, often in Old Latin forms, has an African substrate. Chapter 3 to 6 analyse the exegesis of about twenty sermons selected for their reflexive dimension, in order to inductively question the reasons for the exegetical adaptations. The analyses compare the interpretations of the commented text with those present in other Augustinian works and in the Patristic tradition, and integrate a rhetorical approach. Like the sermons which develop it, this homiletic exegesis lies at the intersection of God’s Word (chapter 3 and 4) and men’s answers (chapter 5 and 6). It assumes the historic context in which it is developed and penetrates the dynamic of the liturgy from which it gets the subject of its comment and the aim of its orientation, so that the res which it conveys in a quasi sacramental way through the uerba of the preacher bears fruit within the listeners. This doctoral thesis also includes a bibliography and four annexes: an identification file about the Sermones in Matthaeum and its summary, a summary table of Augustinian occurrences to be found in the analysed quotations and the list of the liturgical readings from Matthew’s Gospel.

Entre 394 et 396 après J-C, saint Augustin d’Hippone forma le projet d’écrire un commentaire de l’Épître aux Romains de saint Paul. Il en rédigea seulement un premier livre, où il commente les sept premiers versets de l’épître, puis examine la question du blasphème impardonnable contre l’Esprit Saint. Nous présentons ici ce texte. Notre thèse comporte d’abord une introduction générale, qui situe l’oeuvre dans son contexte historique et théologique, et discute de sa réception. Puis nous fournissons une édition critique (avec traduction française) du texte : l’édition, sur la base de 25 manuscrits et 5 éditions imprimées, est précédée d’une présentation détaillée de ses sources, d’un stemma justifié, et d’un commentaire des choix ecdotiques. Vient enfin un commentaire détaillé de tout l’ouvrage, qui a pour buts principaux d’éclairer les passages difficiles du texte, de noter ses particularités linguistiques, et d’expliquer sa pensée par référence au corpus augustinien et à la tradition patristique. / Between AD 394 and 396, St. Augustine of Hippo undertook the project of writing a commentary on St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. He completed only one book of this, providing a commentary on first seven verses of the epistle, along with an examination of the question of the unforgivable blasphemy against the Holy Spirit. I present this text here. My thesis begins with a general introduction, which situates the work in its historical and theological context, and discusses its reception. I then provide a critical edition (with French translation) of the text: the edition, based on 25 manuscripts and 5 printed editions, is preceded by detailed presentation of sources, a stemma with supporting arguments, and a commentary on editorial decisions. Finally, I provide a detailed commentary on the whole work, whose main aims are to elucidate the text’s difficult passages, to note its linguistic particularities, and to explain its contents with reference to the Augustinian corpus and patristic tradition.

Cette thèse étudie une question historique classique, celle de la transition entre l'évergétisme et la charité chrétienne, à travers l'étude des dons à la collectivité en Afrique du Nord tardo-antique, de la fin du IIIe siècle au VIe siècle. La recherche s'appuie sur les sources épigraphiques et littéraires africaines tardo‑antiques, et prend en compte les acquis de l'anthropologie du don. Pendant l'Antiquité tardive, l'évergétisme, pratique caractéristique des cités antiques par laquelle des aristocrates faisaient des dons à leurs concitoyens se renouvelle et disparaît progressivement. Selon l'interprétation couramment admise, cette pratique aurait été supplantée par un nouveau mode de générosité influencé par le modèle de la charité chrétienne. Devenus chrétiens, les habitants des cités africaines auraient tourné le dos aux modes de générosité propres à la cité antique pour se montrer généreux vis-à-vis de la communauté chrétienne de leur choix. À travers l'étude des discours et des pratiques du don, ce travail remet en question le modèle de la transition en montrant notamment que les deux modes de don ont largement coexisté durant les débuts de l'Antiquité tardive. Cette étude affine la chronologie des dons à la collectivité et montre que le christianisme n'est pas à lui seul responsable de la fin de l'évergétisme. Le travail revient sur l'expression « évergétisme chrétien », parfois utilisée dans l'historiographie pour désigner la permanence d'une logique évergétique au sein même du don chrétien. Sont également étudiés les usages du don à la collectivité : le don est autant source de lien social entre les acteurs qu'il est vecteur de conflit. / This dissertation addresses the problem of the transition from euergetism to Christian charity. The approach focuses on gifts to communities in Late Antique North Africa from the third century to the sixth century. The study uses epigraphical and literary documents and includes anthropological perspectives on gift-giving. During Late Antiquity, euergetism (public benefaction) changes and disappears slowly. According to most current theories, euergetism would have been replaced by a new form of generosity, based on 'Christian charity'. Progressively converted to Christianity, the Romano‑Africans would have given up classical civic generosity, turning instead to the Christian communities. This dissertation studies the discourse and practice of gift-giving and challenges the idea of a transition from euergetism to charity, showing that both types of gifts coexisted in early Late Antiquity. This theory clarifies the chronology of Late Antique generosity and analyzes the expression 'Christian euergetism'. Finally, the study examines the uses of benefaction and shows that gift-giving strengthens social bonds while simultaneously generating tension.

Orientador: Patrícia Prata / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T02:15:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pinto_LucianoC.G._D.pdf: 4178422 bytes, checksum: 235593dd702ea15aed68d8ae9ce24913 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Este trabalho analisa, numa perspectiva discursiva, os efeitos produzidos pelo ato de comentar a Bíblia levado a cabo por duas figuras-chave dos primórdios do cristianismo: Jerônimo de Estridão (347-420 d.C.) e Agostinho de Hipona (354-430 d.C.). Investiga-se o impacto dessa empresa comentarista tanto no modo como o texto bíblico foi materialmente transmitido (ortografia, léxico, fraseologia, ordem dos textos) como na história de sua recepção (tópicos e temas preferidos em detrimento de outros tantos possíveis). O propósito é demonstrar quão poderosa é a intervenção dos comentários não apenas na formação do cânone bíblico, mas também na constituição da própria noção de que o conjunto de textos reunidos sob a rubrica de Bíblia ou Sagrada Escritura forma, afinal - e apesar de uma superfície textual que apresenta disparidades e, eventualmente, grandes contradições de caráter linguístico, narrativo ou mesmo teológico -, um texto, que expressa um único e mesmo plano deliberativo autoral / Abstract: This study examines from a discourse-analytical perspective the effects arisen from the practice of commenting the Bible that was followed by two early Christian key figures: Jerome of Stridon (c. 370-420 AD) and Augustine of Hippo (354-430 AD). The impact of these commentatorial works is investigated both with regarding to the way in which the very biblical text was materially (orthography, lexicon, phraseology, chapter order) handed down and to the history of its hermeneutical reception (the topics and themes which have been favored at the expense of all other possibilities). The purpose therefore is to demonstrate how powerful such commentatorial interventions are in the forming of the biblical canon and also in underpinning assumptions that the set of texts brought together under the rubric of Bible or Sacred Scriptures forms ultimately - in spite of a textual surface presenting disparities and sometimes great contradictions of linguistic, narrative or even theological character - a text which expresses just one and the same authorial design / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística