En partant de l’une des périodes les plus riches dans l’histoire de l’Islam en termes de créativité et de production poétiques, notre projet vise à mettre au jour les formes qu’a revêtues le rapport entre le poète et le Prince. Pour élucider ce rapport aussi complexe que protéiforme, nous ferons appel à un corpus riche et varié, et on tentera alors d’examiner la question de l’éloge et du blâme à travers trois prismes : la rhétorique, l’éthique et la politique. Le discours encomiastique mobilise la rhétorique afin d’emporter l’adhésion d’un auditoire sur une matière qui n’est pas encore établie. Mais l’effort déployé par l’orateur afin de convaincre l’auditoire ne peut se passer de la toile de fond éthique et du système commun de valeurs dont il procède pour arriver à la persuasion. Quant à la dimension politique, elle se reflète dans la fonction du poète comme « arme verbale » au service du Prince et instrument de légitimation de sa position politique contre ses adversaires réels ou potentiels. Par-delà la fonction de panégyriste officiel, la performativité du discours politique s’étend également à la parole, d’éducation, de réforme voire de critique ouverte qui pourrait évoquer la parrêsia antique. Grâce à un fonds sapiential, la poésie apporte sa contribution au processus de formation de l’homme politique et lui offre un excellent manuel de gouvernement. Quant à la veine contestataire, l’invective, la caricature et la mobilisation de la parole polémique constituent ses principaux ressorts. La veine contestataire traverse le regard que le poète jette sur l’univers de la cour, la politique du Prince ou le rapport entre gouvernants/gouvernés. Qu’il s’agisse de nominations, de projets politiques ou de l’ethos même de l’homme du pouvoir, le poète est toujours présent pour donner son avis. L’injustice d’une décision prise par un juge, le népotisme d’un gouverneur ou la dureté d’un général sont autant d’aspects qui témoignent de la vivacité de la critique du pouvoir par le poète, et du rôle que ce dernier endosse en tant que moralisateur de cette sphère. Le conseil se présente alors comme le moyen de rectifier les décisions ou les orientations générales du Prince et témoigne de l’existence d’une véritable rationalité poétique. Aussi, la rhétorique de l’éloge et du blâme témoigne-elle de l’existence d’une rationalité poétique qui arrive à maturité à l’époque abbasside et parvient à un degré d’efficience oratoire sans précédent en raison d’une conscience accrue du poète de la nécessité de s’impliquer dans la vie politique et de peser sur le cours de l’Histoire. / Based on one of the richest periods in the history of Islam in terms of poetic creativity and production, our project seeks to revise the forms that characterized the relationship between the poet and the prince. To elucidate this relationship as complex as it is protean, we will call on a rich and varied corpus, and then examine the question of praise and blame through three prisms: rhetoric, ethics and politics. The encomiastic discourse uses rhetoric to gain an audience’s support for a matter that is not yet established. But the effort required by the orator to convince the audience necessitates the ethical backdrop and common system of values, from which he proceeds to persuade. As for the political dimension, it is reflected in the poet’s function as the “verbal arm” serving the prince and as an instrument legitimizing his political position against real or potential opponents. Beyond the function of official panegyrist, the performativity of political discourse also extends to speech, education, reform, even open criticism that could evoke the antique parrêsia. By virtue of its sapiential substance, poetry contributes to the process forming the politician and offers him an excellent manual to government. As for the dissenting vein, invective, caricature and the mobilization of polemical speech constitute his main resources. The dissenting vein passes through the poet’s gaze on the universe of the court, the prince’s politics and the relationship between governor/governed. Whether it involves nominations, political projects or the very ethos of the man of power, the poet is always present to give his opinion. The injustice of a decision made by a judge, the nepotism of a governor or the harshness of a general are all aspects that demonstrate the poet’s vivacious criticism of power, and the role that the latter assumes as the moralizer of this sphere. The counsel is then presented as a means to rectify the prince’s general decisions or orientations and attests to the existence of a veritable poetic rationality. Furthermore, the rhetoric of praise and blame indicates the existence of a poetic rationality that reached maturity in the Abbasid period and attained an unprecedented degree of oratory efficiency, due to the poet’s growing consciousness of the necessity to be involved in political life and to influence the course of history.

This thesis, bearing the name "The crime of drunkenness according to § 360 of Act No. 40/2009Coll., Criminal Code" aims to analyse and understand deeper the crime of drunkenness in all its aspects. Initially, it deals with the historical kontext of this crime and the development of its conception through history to this day. The thesis also describes terms of diminished sanity and insanity as well as other terms related to the crime including the institute actio libera in causa in both of its forms. This crime is indeed an atypical one, whilst being one of the methods of dealing with illegal deeds committed by inflicted insanity. Such crime lies in the fact that the offender of an act otherwise criminal (one lacking an important sign of a crime) had, prior to such act, induced himself to a state of insanity by culpable consuming or applicating an addictive substance. Insanity as itself exclude criminal culpability of the offender, however not in cases hen offender self-inducing it by consuming or applicating an addictive substance, which makes the crime of drunkenness unique. No less interesting is that, in a way, the crime of drunkenness overcomes the principle nullum crimen sine culpa, or no crime without culpability, since it is composed of two separate actions, while culpability revers only to...

<p>This dissertation argues for a number of theses related to responsibility, norm psychology, and personhood. Although most of the papers argue for “standalone” theses, in the sense that their truth does not depend the truth of the others, the five papers collectively illustrate a broader view of humans as (a) responsible agents who are (b) self-governing and (c) equipped with a capacity for norms, and whose agency (d) centers on dynamic responsiveness to corrective feedback. Drawing on this broader picture, the dissertation sheds light on ethical questions about our social practices and technologies, as well as descriptive questions about the nature of substance use disorder. </p> <p>Most centrally, the dissertation argues that forward-looking considerations are relevant for responsibility, not merely because the consequences of our responsibility practices are desirable, but primarily because of a connection which I argue exists between relationships, norms, and learning. On the view I defend, an agent is a responsible agent only if she can learn from being held responsible, so as to regulate herself according to norms of which she presently falls short. I argue that, if it were not for the capacity of humans to learn from <i>social corrective feedback</i>, such as normative responses like praise and blame, humans would be unable to participate in norm-governed relationships and communities. It is in virtue of their participation in these relationships and communities that humans are subject to interpersonal norms, such that they can fulfill or violate these norms and be praiseworthy or blameworthy for doing so. So, without the kind of learning that makes participation in these relationships a possibility, humans could never be praiseworthy or blameworthy for anything that they do. </p> <p>The dissertation also argues that human norm psychology has implications for how we should relate to “social robots”—artificial agents designed to participate in relationships with humans. I argue that, like humans, social robots should be equipped with a capacity to recognize and respond to normative feedback. Lastly, the dissertation resists a common narrative about addiction as being a form of akrasia in which agents act against their own better judgment. While this is certainly a central aspect of many cases of addiction, I argue that it fails to appreciate the ways in which addiction sometimes interacts with a person’s identity and goals, especially in cases where the agent believes that the things she values would not be feasible if she did not continue to engage in addictive behavior.</p>

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Text in English / This research was aimed at giving a voice to three women, who are constructed as having had a traumatic event recalled from their autobiographical memory. To achieve this objective an epistemological framework of social constructionism was used to investigate autobiographical memory recall of trauma. Three in-depth interviews were conducted with participants who constructed themselves as having had a traumatic event. A case study approach was used to gain access to the information and to compare themes. The research explored the way in which dissociation, voluntary thought suppression, minimisation and outright denial enabled the three participants to alter unbearable memories through the use of recurring themes. To interpret these stories the content of the themes was analysed using thematic content analysis. The participants represented different cultures, languages and religions. In sharing their symptoms this did not necessarily mean they attached the same meaning to a specific theme, as individual meaning-making corresponded to the individual‟s background and history and their perception of the trauma. The stories related by the three participants revealed a shattered worldview that brought them into opposition with community norms and standards, which the narrators experienced as silencing and judgemental. In this regard the researcher‟s aim was to generate information from the participants themselves. This inquiry into the personal trauma stories and meanings suited a qualitative research approach, a form of methodology that allowed personal insight into the meanings the three participants attributed to their trauma and the autobiographical recall of trauma. At the same time it allowed a co-constructed reality to take shape between the researcher‟s reality and the participant‟s reality, always acknowledging the importance of their being the expert of their own individual trauma memory. This is in contrast to a quantitative approach which focuses on numbers to quantify the results; a qualitative approach on the other hand is a personal, rich information-gathering tool that takes into account the emotions and meaning-making of each individual story without any intention to generalise the information gathered to a larger population It is hoped that through this research there is a realisation that although trauma victims share symptoms, the meaning-making of the individual attached to this trauma is influenced by their society and history within their respective environments. / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology)

<p> </p><p>A person with borderline personality disorder, which is a mental illness, can be described as emotionally instable. As a relative of a person with borderline personality disorder one often feels a sense of despair, anxiety and fear. The essay’s purpose was to get an understanding of what it means to be a relative of a person with borderline personality disorder. We wanted to see the relative’s relationship from two perspectives, both from the relative’s perspective and from the professional’s perspective. The essay was a qualitative study with a phenomenological approach. The results were structured into five themes. These were: Growing up, To be diagnosed, Life with borderline, The present, and The future. The results were analyzed against coping. A qualitative analysis was conducted. The results showed that life as a relative of a person with borderline personality disorder in many cases can be stressful. For example, they adapted their own life very much. Blame from the healthcare system and from the surrounding environment seemed to be a prominent feature of the family.</p><p> </p> / <p> </p><p>En person med borderline personlighetsstörning, som är en psykisk sjukdom, kan beskrivas som emotionell instabil. Som anhörig till en person med borderline personlighetsstörning kan man känna oro, rädsla och förtvivlan. Uppsatsens syfte var att få förståelse för hur det är att vara anhörig till en person med borderline personlighetsstörning. Anhörigskapet studeras från två perspektiv: dels från anhörigas och dels från professionellas. Uppsatsen var en kvalitativ studie och hade en fenomenologisk ansats. Resultatet strukturerades i fem teman: Uppväxt, Att få diagnosen, Livet med borderline, Nutid och Framtid. Resultatet analyserades mot copingbegreppet. En kvalitativ analys genomfördes. Resultatet visade att livet som anhörig till en person med borderline personlighetsstörning i många fall kan vara påfrestande då de till exempel fick anpassa sitt eget liv. Skuldbeläggande från sjukvården och från omgivningen verkade vara en återkommande erfarenhet.</p><p> </p>

A person with borderline personality disorder, which is a mental illness, can be described as emotionally instable. As a relative of a person with borderline personality disorder one often feels a sense of despair, anxiety and fear. The essay’s purpose was to get an understanding of what it means to be a relative of a person with borderline personality disorder. We wanted to see the relative’s relationship from two perspectives, both from the relative’s perspective and from the professional’s perspective. The essay was a qualitative study with a phenomenological approach. The results were structured into five themes. These were: Growing up, To be diagnosed, Life with borderline, The present, and The future. The results were analyzed against coping. A qualitative analysis was conducted. The results showed that life as a relative of a person with borderline personality disorder in many cases can be stressful. For example, they adapted their own life very much. Blame from the healthcare system and from the surrounding environment seemed to be a prominent feature of the family. / En person med borderline personlighetsstörning, som är en psykisk sjukdom, kan beskrivas som emotionell instabil. Som anhörig till en person med borderline personlighetsstörning kan man känna oro, rädsla och förtvivlan. Uppsatsens syfte var att få förståelse för hur det är att vara anhörig till en person med borderline personlighetsstörning. Anhörigskapet studeras från två perspektiv: dels från anhörigas och dels från professionellas. Uppsatsen var en kvalitativ studie och hade en fenomenologisk ansats. Resultatet strukturerades i fem teman: Uppväxt, Att få diagnosen, Livet med borderline, Nutid och Framtid. Resultatet analyserades mot copingbegreppet. En kvalitativ analys genomfördes. Resultatet visade att livet som anhörig till en person med borderline personlighetsstörning i många fall kan vara påfrestande då de till exempel fick anpassa sitt eget liv. Skuldbeläggande från sjukvården och från omgivningen verkade vara en återkommande erfarenhet.

This research was aimed at giving a voice to three women, who are constructed as having had a traumatic event recalled from their autobiographical memory. To achieve this objective an epistemological framework of social constructionism was used to investigate autobiographical memory recall of trauma. Three in-depth interviews were conducted with participants who constructed themselves as having had a traumatic event. A case study approach was used to gain access to the information and to compare themes. The research explored the way in which dissociation, voluntary thought suppression, minimisation and outright denial enabled the three participants to alter unbearable memories through the use of recurring themes. To interpret these stories the content of the themes was analysed using thematic content analysis. The participants represented different cultures, languages and religions. In sharing their symptoms this did not necessarily mean they attached the same meaning to a specific theme, as individual meaning-making corresponded to the individual‟s background and history and their perception of the trauma. The stories related by the three participants revealed a shattered worldview that brought them into opposition with community norms and standards, which the narrators experienced as silencing and judgemental. In this regard the researcher‟s aim was to generate information from the participants themselves. This inquiry into the personal trauma stories and meanings suited a qualitative research approach, a form of methodology that allowed personal insight into the meanings the three participants attributed to their trauma and the autobiographical recall of trauma. At the same time it allowed a co-constructed reality to take shape between the researcher‟s reality and the participant‟s reality, always acknowledging the importance of their being the expert of their own individual trauma memory. This is in contrast to a quantitative approach which focuses on numbers to quantify the results; a qualitative approach on the other hand is a personal, rich information-gathering tool that takes into account the emotions and meaning-making of each individual story without any intention to generalise the information gathered to a larger population It is hoped that through this research there is a realisation that although trauma victims share symptoms, the meaning-making of the individual attached to this trauma is influenced by their society and history within their respective environments. / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology)

Les mythes liés au viol sont des croyances et des perceptions erronées entourant le viol et ceux-ci peuvent avoir une influence sur l’attribution de la responsabilité à l’instigateur ou à la victime de l’acte sexuel coercitif. Des études dénotent des différences entre les hommes et les femmes quant à la présence de ces croyances et l’attribution de la responsabilité de l’acte sexuel et la divulgation policière. De plus, des études montrent que la consommation d’alcool, la consommation de drogue, le visionnement de pornographie et la verbalisation du non-consentement sont des facteurs situationnels qui ont un impact sur l’attribution de la responsabilité. L’objectif principal de cette étude est d’identifier s’il existe des différences au sein d’un échantillon d’étudiants masculins et féminins de l’Université de Montréal quant à leur attribution de la responsabilité d’une agression sexuelle et leur recours à la divulgation policière dans un contexte donné. Plus précisément, est-ce qu’ils interprètent différemment un scénario dans lequel il y a un acte sexuel non-consentant en présence de facteurs situationnels : consommation d’alcool, consommation de drogue, visionnement de pornographie et non-consentement verbal et non-verbal. Les résultats montrent qu’en général, les participants masculins attribuent plus souvent que les femmes une part de responsabilité de l’acte sexuel à la victime, tandis que les femmes attribuent plus de responsabilité à l’instigateur du comportement sexuel. La présence de croyances erronées liées au viol chez les participants est la caractéristique personnelle du participant qui aurait le plus d’influence sur l’attribution de la responsabilité de l’acte sexuel et qui prédirait le recourt ou non à la divulgation policière. / Rape myths are beliefs and misconceptions regarding rape that can have an influence on one’s attribution of responsibility towards the instigator or victim of a non-consenting sexual act. Some research has shown difference between men and women concerning their beliefs and attitudes towards rape and as well as their attribution of blame and tendency of reporting a rape case to police. Research has also shown that alcohol consumption, drug use, pornography consumption and non-consent are situational factors that influence attribution of responsibility in a rape case. The objective of this study is to examine differences in a group of male and female students from the University of Montréal in their attribution of responsibility and their propensity to report rape cases to police authorities in a given context. Specifically, this research will identify if the students interpret the rape scenarios differently when it involves alcohol or drug use, pornography consumption and non-consent. The results show that in general, the male participants attributed more often a part of the blame to the victim whereas the female participants attributed more blame towards the instigator of the sexual act. The presence of rape myths among the students is the factor that influences the most their attribution of responsibility of a sexual coercive behavior and their propensity or refusal to denunciate the situation to the police.