The purpose of this study is to analyse the parliamentary structure and tasks of Bosnia and Herzegovina to see the limitations it has on the progress to democracy. By studying the Dayton accords appendix four (the constitution) and article four (the parliamentary assembly). In the analysis two theories was used, historical institutionalism and rational choice theory to help find answers to the purpose. With the thematic analysis method to analyse the material and to find themes in the data these three themes was put together, complex parliamentary structure, discrimination against minorities and the balance of power between the various institutions and actors. The material was some scientific reports and books by a variety of different authors and the Dayton accords. The analysis shows that the parliament structure is structured in a non-democratic way, the function of the structure is to keep and preserve the peace in the region. In conclusion the Dayton accords is the main reason for the structure of parliament and that it was made for peacekeeping, not necessarily to create a democratic state. Why there has not been any reform or change in the structure is because the political elite has it easier to gain their own interest with this structure rather than a democratic structure.

Annika Pamirs Beitrag Der Friedensbegriff im internationalen System: Eine Dekonstruktion des gesellschaftlichen Ortes der Frau im PeacekeepingProzess in Bosnien-Herzegowina ist weniger historisch als politikwissenschaftlich und argumentiert, dass der Einfluss lokaler Geschlechterregime für nachhaltige Friedenskonsolidierungen zwar international anerkannt ist, in der Praxis jedoch selten einbezogen wird, obwohl vergeschlechtlichte Machtverhältnisse in Friedensbestrebungen einen nachhaltigen Frieden verhindern. Annika Pamir dekonstruiert in ihrem Artikel in politischer Theorie und Praxis den gesellschaftlichen und historischen ‚Ort der Frau‘, um inhärent vergeschlechtlichte Ungleichheitslagen aufzudecken und charakterisiert den Einbezug einer geschlechtersensiblen Perspektive als determinierenden Aspekt zur Neubewertung eines nachhaltigen Friedensbegriffs. Dies wird anhand des Fallbeispiels Bosnien-Herzegowina skizziert, wobei argumentiert wird, dass internationale Friedensbestrebungen geschlechtersensibel evaluiert werden und die Erkenntnisse feministischer Analysen und Instrumente in Friedensprozesse aufgenommen werden müssen.

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<p>Iako je dijabetes melitus (DM) tip 2 je hronično oboljenje čija se stopa značajno povećala poslednjih decenija, podaci o odnosu pacijenta prema leku i lečenju dijabetes melitusa su retki i odnose se na pojedine aspekte terapije. Glavni kamen spoticanja u lečenju dijabetesa jeste nepridržavanje pacijenata propisanim lekovima, &scaron;to otežava održavanje normalne glikoregulacije i doprinosi razvoju te&scaron;kih komplikacija koje značajno utiču na kvalitet života pacijenata sa DM. Raspolaganje tačnim podacima o upotrebi antidijabetičnim lekova, kao i uvidom u realno stanje o odnosu pacijenata prema leku u lečenju DM tipa 2, omogućava pobolj&scaron;anje farmakoterapijske prakse i kreiranje intervencije za pobolj&scaron;anje adherencije pacijenata Ciljevi ovog istraživanja bili su: 1) analiza obima potro&scaron;nje i strukture antidijabetičnih lekova na teritoriji Republike Srpske i njihovo poređenje sa upotrebom i strukturom propisivanja u okolnim zemljama kao i državama sa razvijenom farmakoterapijskom praksom; 2) analiza obima potro&scaron;nje i strukture antidijabetičnih lekova u op&scaron;tini Foča i poređenje sa savremenim farmakoterapijskim smernicama; 3) određivanje procenta pokrivenosti antidijabetičnom terapijom pacijenata sa DM tip 2 tokom jedne godine u op&scaron;tini Foča; 4) određivanje adherencije pacijenata sa DM tipa 2 prema antidijabetičnoj terapiji metodom brojanja tableta/doza insulina i putem validiranog upitnika; 5) određivanje kvaliteta života povezanog sa zdravljem pacijenata sa DM tipa 2 u op&scaron;tini Foča primenom validiranog upitnika SF-36v2; 6) određivanje prediktora neadherenije kod primene obe metode merenja adherencije u odnosu na karakteristike i kvalitet života pacijenata sa DM tip 2 u op&scaron;tini Foča. Ispitivanje se sastojalo iz dva dela. U prvom delu sprovedeno je retrospektivno farmakoepidemiolo&scaron;ko praćenje upotrebe antidijabetičnih lekova kao i određivanje strukture ovih lekova na teritoriji Republike Srpske u periodu od 01.01.2013. do 31.12.2013.godine i izvr&scaron;eno je poređenje sa upotrebom i strukturom propisivanja u okolnim zemljama kao i državama sa razvijenom farmakoterapijskom praksom. U drugom delu ispitivanja sprovedeno je farmakoepidemiolo&scaron;ko ispitivanje primene antidijabetičnih lekova na nivou same op&scaron;tine Foča u okviru koje je pored analize obima potro&scaron;nje i strukture antidijabetičnih lekova u istom periodu kao i na teritoriji Republike Srpske i poređenja sa savremenim farmakoterapijskim smernicama, određivan i procenta pokrivenosti antidijabetičnom terapijom mereno redovno&scaron;ću ponovnih popunjavanja recepata od strane lekara op&scaron;te prakse tokom jednogodi&scaron;njeg perioda. Takođe je sprovedeno i ispitivanje adherencije prema antidijabetičnim lekovima primenom dve različite metode merenja kao i kvalitet života pacijenata sa DM tip 2 između 01.01.2015. i 31.12.2015.godine. Ukupna upotreba antidijabetika za lečenje dijabetesa tip 1 i tip 2 na teritoriji Republike Srpske iznosila je 38,29 DDD/1000st/dan. Upotreba insulina i analoga iznosila je 11,28 DDD/1000st/dan. Ukupna upotreba oralnih lekova koji snižavaju glukozu i krvi, isključujući insuline iznosila je 27,01 DDD/1000st/dan, a metformin je najče&scaron;će kori&scaron;ćeni predstavnik. Sličan obim i struktura upotrebe antidijabetičnih lekova utvrđena je i u op&scaron;tini Foča. Procenat pokrivenosti antidijabetičnom terapijom pacijenata sa DM tip 2 tokom jedne godine u op&scaron;tini Foča iznosio je vi&scaron;e od 94,91%. Adherencija određivana metodom brojanja tableta/doza insulina iznosila je 52,3%, a merena primenom validiranog upitnikom iznosila je svega 44,9%. Statistički značajni prediktori neadherencije određivane primenom metode brojanja tableta/doza insulina su doplata cena leka kao i niži skor dimenzije mentalnog zdravlja kada je u pitanju kvalitet života. Prediktori neadherencije merene primenom validiranog upitnikom bili su mu&scaron;ki pol, kao i niži skor dimenzije mentalnog kao i fizičkog zdravlja kada je u pitanju kvalitet života. Na osnovu ovih saznanja, intervencije za pobolj&scaron;anje adherencije pacijenata bi bile usmerene na edukaciju pacijenata mu&scaron;kog pola, zatim na smanjivanje izdataka pacijenata za lekove, &scaron;to će doprineti i boljem kvalitetu života ovih pacijenata.</p> / <p>Although diabetes mellitus (DM) type 2 is a chronic disease whose rate has increased significantly in recent decades, data on the patient&#39;s attitudes towards the medicine and the treatment of diabetes mellitus are rare and relate to individual aspects of the therapy. The main stumbling block in the treatment of diabetes is not taking prescribed drugs regularly, which makes it difficult to maintain normal glycoregulation and contribute to the development of severe complications that significantly affect the quality of life of patients with DM. The disposition of accurate data on the use of antidiabeticdrugs, as well as the insight into the real state of the patient&#39;s relationship with the medication in the treatment of DM type 2, enables the improvement of pharmacotherapeutic practice and the creation of an intervention to improve patient adherence.<br />The objectives of this research were:<br />1) analysis of the volume of consumption and structure of anti-diabetic medicines on the territory of the Republic of Srpska and their comparison with the use and structure of prescribing in the surrounding countries as well as countries with developed pharmacotherapeutic practice;<br />2) analysis of the volume of consumption and structure of antidiabetic drugs in the municipality of Foča and comparison with modern pharmacotherapeutic guidelines;<br />3) determining the percentage of coverage with antidiabetic therapy of patients with DM type 2 during one year in the municipality of Foča;<br />4) determining the adherence of patients with DM type 2 in antidiabetic therapy by the method of pill counts /volume of insulin and by validated questionnaire;<br />5) determining the quality of life associated with the health of patients with DM type 2 in the municipality of Foča using the validated questionnaire SF-36v2;<br />6) determination of the predictor of nonadherence in the application of both methods of adherence measurement in relation to the characteristics and quality of life of patients with DM type 2 in the municipality of Foča.<br />The investigation consisted of two parts.<br />In the first part, a retrospective pharmacoepidemiological monitoring of the use of antidiabetic drugs was carried out, as well as determining the structure of these drugs in the territory of the Republic of Srpska in the period from January, 1st 2013 until December, 31st 2013, and a comparison was made with the use and prescription structure in neighboring countries as well as countries with developed pharmacotherapeutic practices. In the second part of the study, a pharmacoepidemiological study was carried out on the use of antidiabetic drugs at the level of the municipality of Foča itself, in which, besides analyzing the volume of consumption and structure of anti-diabetic drugs in the same period as in the territory of the Republic of Srpska and comparison with modern pharmacotherapeutic guidelines, the percentage of coverage by antidiabetic therapy was measured by the regularity of the prescription prescribed by the general practitioner over a one-year period. Medication adherence to antidiabetic drugs was also carried out using two different methods of measurement as well as the quality of life of patients with DM type 2 between January, 1st 2015 and December, 31st 2015. The total use of antidiabetic for the treatment of type 1 diabetes and type 2 in the territory of the Republic of Srpska was 38.29 DDD / 1000st / day. The use of insulin and analogs was 11.28 DDD / 1000st / day. The total use of blood glucose lowering drugs , excluding insulins, was 27.01 DDD / 1000st / day, and metformin is the most commonly used representative. A similar volume and structure of the use of anti-diabetic drugs was also determined in the municipality of Foča. The percentage of coverage of antidiabetic therapy of patients with DM type 2 during one year in the municipality of Foca amounted to more than 94.91%. Adherence determined by the pill counts and the volume of insulin method was 52.3%, and measured by applying the validated questionnaire was only 44.9%. Statistically significant predictors of nonadherence determined by the method of pill counts/volume of insulin are copayment, a fix fee for prescription made by patients as well as the lower score of the mental health dimension when it comes to quality of life. The non-adherence predictors measured using the validated questionnaire were the male sex, as well as a lower score of the mental dimension as well as physical health when it comes to quality of life. Based on these findings, interventions to improve patient adherence would focus on health education of male patients, and policy changes regarding availability of antidiabetic medication through copayment reductions , which will contribute to a better quality of life for these patients.</p>

ŽÍLA, Ondřej: "Are You the One and Only Homeland I have?" Ethno-demographic Changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1945-2012 Abstract Thesis on "Are You the One and Only Homeland I have?" Ethno-demographic Changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1945-2012 analyses population development of three constitutive nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina, transformation of ethnic proportional representation of Bosnian population due to differences in demographic behaviour and spatial impacts of forced migration on population distribution after the end of the civil conflict in the 1990s. The main focus is on comparing the development of the ethno-demographic structure of socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina with the condition of the country after the war. The current demographic characteristics of the population, and contemporary ethnic composition of the country remains fundamentally affected by events related to the conflict: the so called forced migration and ethnic cleansing. The thesis compiles two fundamental approaches, one of them being the top-down approach. It focuses on the characteristics of the role of Western powers in the post-war peace-building process, specifically the analysis of their principal objective - restoration of the original ethnic heterogeneity by means of controlled repatriation of refugees, and evaluation...

This study aims to investigate the democracy development i Bosnia and Herzegovina. Since 1995, when the Dayton Peace Agreement was signed, Bosnia has been undergoing an democratization, but despite that the country is still year 2017 classified as ”partly free”. In this study the democracy-enhancing factors: civil society and the political system are being related to the Dayton Peace Agreement and are tested against liberal democratic values and Consociational Democracy theory. This study is a qualitative case study and following questions are being looked into:   -       Which factors within the civil society and political system limit the democracy development in Bosnia and Herzegovina? -       To what extent does the Dayton Peace Agreement limit Bosnia and Herzegovina’s democracy development? -       To what extent is Bosnia and Herzegovina an Consociational Democracy?   The fact that Bosnia has a divided and multiethnic society puts a foundational ground for a possible consolidated consociational democracy. Furthermore, the functions of the civil society, political system and the Dayton Peace Agreement are being discussed and the shortcomings of each are being highlighted. The results of this study indicate that Bosnia’s long democratization development is primarly based on the unwillingness to cooperation between the three constitutional groups, the exclusion of minority groups and the Dayton Peace Agreement’s regulations on a political system that is not sustainable for a stable democratic state.

This essay investigates the post-war international intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Peace Treaty was welcomed as the first multilateral agreement amongst countries since the end of the cold war, including Russia. The treaty sought not only to end a war but wrote the Bosnian constitution. We see examples of state-building through international intervention in other parts of the world post-9/11 (Afghanistan, Iraq). The state-building actions in Bosnia was the first multilateral action after the cold-war it is therefore interesting to research the measures that were taken and to follow-up and investigate if it was a success or a failure. Bosnia today is falling behind other neighboring countries,  economically and democratically speaking. Neighboring Croatia has just recently become a new member state of the EU, many scholars along with member states of EU and the International Community agree that Bosnia should aim to reach the same goal as Croatia in order to ensure political and economical stability. However there seems to be conflicting agendas between the International Community and the local politicians. The essay will focus on the effects of the international intervention through state-building operations in Bosnia and how the international community took upon itself a major responsibility and the results of those efforts till today.

This paper explores the current understanding of the right of peoples to self-determination and its impact on international relations. A number of new states have gained international recognition outside the scope of decolonisation, several of which have not fulfilled the usual criteria for statehood, based on existing state practice. In addition, the parent states of Bangladesh, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as Kosovo have not consented to the secession of these territories. The main purpose of this paper is to determine whether based on the stipulations of international documents and mainly on existing state practice, it is possible to verify the existence of a customary law enabling peoples to unilaterally secede. Such a right would pose a threat to the future application of the principle of territorial integrity as one of the basic principles of international relations. In order to answer this question I compare case studies of successful and unsuccessful nations striving for their own state outside the realm of decolonisation. Based on this comparison I analyse the current understanding of the right to self-determination and its impact on international relations. I conclude by stating that it is not possible to unambiguously confirm the existence of such a right. However, in practice the principle of territorial integrity is being breached nonetheless, due to persisting uncertainties regarding the possible application of secession by peoples whose internal right to self-determination was not respected. Together with the fact that the current concept of self-determination ignores collective rights of national groups, this poses a threat to international stability.

La Bosnie-Herzégovine est sous supervision internationale depuis 1995. Les principaux acteurs de cette communauté internationale soit l’Union Européenne (UE) et le Bureau du Haut-Représentant à la Communauté Internationale (OHR) ont exprimé à de nombreuses reprises leur intention de transformer la mission internationale en s’éloignant du pouvoir discrétionnaire du OHR en le remplaçant par la perspective d’intégration offerte par l’UE. Malgré les bonnes intentions, cette transition semble être dans une impasse. Depuis 2006, l’organisation et la distribution des responsabilités au sein de la communauté internationale sont restées inchangées. Ce mémoire s’intéresse à ces deux principaux acteurs et à leur rôle dans l’impasse. L’objectif est de tester trois cadres d’analyse soit le rationalisme, le constructivisme et la complexité des régimes pouvant expliquer cette impasse. En se basant sur des interviews avec des experts et des représentants des deux institutions, ce mémoire explore dans quelle mesure et dans quels contextes chaque cadre d’analyse est apte à expliquer le comportement des acteurs. / Bosnia and Herzegovina has been under international supervision since 1995. Key actors in the international community namely the Office of the High Representative (OHR) and the European Union (EU) have expressed a desire to change the focus of this mission from one led by the OHR to one led by the EU. Despite the strong will of the international community to carry out this transition, it seems to have reached a deadlock. In the last few years, the arrangement of the international community has remained unchanged. This thesis focuses on these two main actors in this transition and their responsibility in the deadlock. This thesis tests three frameworks in order to explain this deadlock, specifically rationalism, constructivism, and regime complexity. Drawing on interviews with experts and officials working in the European Union and in the Office of the High Representative, this thesis explores the suitability of these frameworks for explaining these actors’ behaviours.

This study is a qualitative interview study that examines antagonism, identity and collective memory among second generation immigrants from Bosnia &amp; Herzegovina. The study is based on an existential history use-perspective and social constructivist socialization theory. The study shows that the Bosniak identity is seldom defined by their history and the Yugoslavian wars but rather by language and traditions. In addition, the results indicate that the Bosniak identity has been assimilated to a large extent into the Swedish majority culture. The results also show that antagonism against other ethnic groups in the Balkans mainly occurs among first-generation immigrants while the descendants do not relate to a large extent to the war crimes and atrocities that occurred against Bosnian Muslims. Instead, they express empathy and sympathy for their parents’ experiences of these traumas. The respondents also experienced a nonchalance towards their background in Swedish history teaching where their history was neglected in favor of other wars and genocides. While the respondents suspected a fear of conflict among teachers to account for the area, they also told examples when teachers failed in the relational pedagogy and homogenized the individuals by letting them represent an entire conflict and ethnic group. Overall, the study shows that the use of history is not a recurring phenomenon among second-generation Bosniak immigrants, and their attitude focuses on individuals rather than groups. In the didactic part of the study, the results emphasize that history teachers might need to self-educate based on the students' background to create a meaningful education and create a history awareness among students.