The aim of this Master thesis is to identify the specifics of non-governmental organization Doctors Without Borders (Médecins Sans Frontières) as an actor of international relations, mainly through the presentation and activities of the organization during the implementation of its programs in the early 1990s, when the process of internationalization was consolidated. The thesis also covers the issue of respecting the commitment to shared values for which Doctors Without Borders claim responsibility, and which also represents the principles of their activities. Based on the theoretical framework of actorness, it is possible to compare three missions of Doctors Without Borders implemented during the internal state conflicts in Somalia, Rwanda and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The analysis shows that during this period, Doctors Without Borders is characterized by a strong national identity of particular sections, in that we can see the strong national features of the French, Belgian and Dutch sections, which often behaved contradictorily and incoherently. The commitment to respect the shared values is fulfilled with one exception, namely the obligation to respect the neutral status.

Diploma thesis "Reflection of National Identities in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the Discussion of NATO Membership" is a discourse analysis focusing on the socio-political environment in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the perspective of discussion over possible accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation. The first part of the thesis begins by an overview of the history of NATO engagement in the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, followed by a summary of current NATO relations with the countries of Western Balkans, specifically with Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special regard is given to national identities and their role in the conduct of the country's foreign policy. The second part of the thesis is dedicated to examining the current political debate. It seeks to understand how national identity shapes the discussion over the accession to the organisation. Specifically, through discourse analysis, it aims to identify the tools employed in the political debate and the impact it has on the overall political environment of the country.

This thesis is a qualitative study focusing on the situation that has evolved in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) from the beginning of 2018, when migrants and refugees started entering the country in large numbers in the context of the so-called Balkan route. The approach adopted in the thesis is informed by critical studies emphasizing the asymmetries entailed in the emerging multilevel governance of migration. The European Union (EU), the BiH state, IOM, civil society, activists, and citizens, are inserted in a “situational map” presenting their inter-relations, and the potential of each to influence the situation of concern. This thesis analyses in details the role of the EU, which is implementing in BiH its security-informed approach to irregular migration through externalization and multilevelling strategies. Eight semi-structured interviews allow the investigation into the potential and challenges of a “governance from below”. The main argument of this thesis is that the EU, outsourcing its strategy to curb irregular migration to BiH, fails to address the humanitarian crisis that is developing there, besides mining the stability and democracy of the country.

Peace processes have been slow to recognise women, which is later reflected in the political landscape of the post-conflict society. Researchers have emphasised that the post-conflict setting many times constitutes a greater challenge for women than men as they face more vulnerability and insecurity in forms of domestic violence and being excluded from the formal peace processes. This is the case for Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is still facing difficulties both socially, politically and economically due to the civil war at the beginning of the 1990s. For instance, the country is facing major economic difficulties, which have contributed to high unemployment rates which is especially affecting women and the youth. Thereby this study which is based on eight qualitative semi-structured interviews explores how young women with tertiary education in Bosnia and Herzegovina experience their participation in the post-conflict setting, and what out-looks they have on their future in relation to the predominant gender order. Through the thematic analysis and by using a theoretical framework related to “Conflict, Gender, Ethnicity and Post-Conflict Reconstruction” and “gender order” their experiences were analysed. The results of this study show that although the young women experienced that they could participate in society, all of them experienced obstacles related to politics and gender traditional expectations of women. Their outlooks were relatively positive as they recognised several opportunities to fulfil their dreams due to education. Moreover, the majority of them wanted to stay in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-conflict setting is affecting the entire population, however, young women are further affected by the gender order. Ultimately, the patriarchal gender order which is heightened in the post-conflict setting is impacting these young women’s participation and outlooks, which limits their prospects. However, through their participation and how they conduct themselves, they are opposing the place they have been given in the gender order. / Fredsprocesser har varit långsamma med att erkänna kvinnor, vilket senare har återspeglats i det politiska landskapet i samhället efter en konflikt. Forskare menar på att tiden efter en konflikt många gånger utgör en större utmaning för kvinnor än för män, eftersom de är mer sårbara och ofta möter olika former av våld i hemmet samt utesluts från de formella fredsprocesserna. Det här är fallet för Bosnien och Hercegovina, som fortfarande står inför svårigheter både socialt, politiskt och ekonomiskt på grund av inbördeskriget i början av 1990-talet. Landet står exempelvis inför stora ekonomiska svårigheter, vilket har bidragit till den höga arbetslösheten som särskilt drabbar kvinnor och ungdomar. Mot bakgrund av det här undersöker studien, som baseras på åtta kvalitativa semi-strukturerade intervjuer, hur unga kvinnor med högre utbildning i Bosnien och Hercegovina upplever sitt deltagande i det post-konfliktsamhälle som de lever i, hur deras framtidssyn ser ut och hur de förhåller sig till den nuvarande genusordningen. Genom tematisk analys och användningen av ett teoretiskt ramverk relaterat till “Konflikt, genus, etnicitet och post-konfliktrekonstruktion” och ”genusordning” analyserades deras erfarenheter. Resultatet av studien visar att de unga kvinnorna upplevde att de kunde delta i samhället men också att de kände vissa hinder, relaterade till politik och de traditionella könsrollerna som finns i samhället. Samtidigt var de ungas syn på framtiden relativt positiv, då de ansåg att det fanns många möjligheter för dem att uppfylla sina drömmar eftersom de hade studerat. Många av dem ville stanna i Bosnien och Hercegovina. Miljön som är i ett post-konfliktsamhälle påverkar hela befolkningen dock är unga kvinnor extra utsatta, då de också är påverkade av den regerande genusordningen. Den nuvarande patriarkala genusordningen som ofta kulminerar i ett post-konfliktsamhälle begränsar de unga kvinnornas deltagande, vilket påverkar deras tankar om framtiden. Dock, genom sitt deltagande och agerande i samhället sätter de sig emot den plats som de har tilldelats i genusordningen.

In the face of the ‘refugee crisis’ and increased irregular migration flows, EU member states have taken up extraterritorial actions to address their migration problems. This thesis introduces three critical notions; the modern state, the agency of the third states and the agency of the migrant, to create an inclusive framework prior to analysing EU’s extraterritorial management of migration. It then explores the EU’s extraterritorial management of migration by investigating the EU’s relations with four different non-EU states, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Libya, Morocco and Turkey. Throughout the analysis power imbalances between the EU and third states and issues of state sovereignty are brought up. It is argued that the third states see their agency diminished as a result of the EU’s border reaffirmation attempts. Border reaffirmation is done through offshoring responsibility and accountability by providing financial aid and other forms of support to third states. As a result of this form of offshoring, agency of migrants and refugees are also diminished as they have limited agency over their destination and see their rights being abused in the processes of extraterritorialisation of migration management. This thesis underlines the mismatches between the EU’s commitments to human and refugee rights and their actions of extraterritorialisation.

Cooking and Dining in Times of War and Peace: Changing Contexts and Modes of Food Production, Preparation and Consumption in Srebrenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina Mgr. Markéta Slavková Abstract (English) This project opens up the topic of armed conflict and subsequent post-conflict development in the Former Yugoslavia from a non-traditional perspective - that of the anthropology of food. At the centre of attention there stand the ways in which the production, preparation and consumption of food were and are carried out in Srebrenica, BiH in the context of the dramatic changes that the region has undergone over the last few decades. Food is the precondition of reproduction, a primary form of interaction with the world, a mediator of socialization, a sign of identity and social cohesion but also a tool of power. In this sense, Farquhar notes that the "mantra" 'You are what you eat,' continues to be thematized by social sciences (Farquhar, 2006: 146). On the other hand, the question of the relationship between social actors and their "daily bread" in conditions of starvation and overall material scarcity in wartime has not been satisfyingly answered. This project, based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, addresses these issues more closely, affording greater insight into them.

Bc. Karel Höfer Komparativní volební inženýrství v postjugoslávském prostoru KP IPS FSV UK Diplomová práce ABSTRACT The thesis deals with the topic of electoral engineering and electoral design in the Post- Yugoslav area. It can be classified within social sciences as a part of political science, specifically as a part of comparative political science and electoral studies. The subject of this thesis is electoral design and electoral engineering. Its cases are political and electoral systems in the Post-Yugoslav area up to 2012. The importance of this topic consists in the fact that it is not entirely explored topic. On that account it deserves attention from both empirical and theoretical perspective. The research of electoral design and electoral engineering is one of the most promising courses of contemporary political science. The Post-Yugoslav area offers an ideal environment for comparative political science in general and comparative approach due to its common historical and institutional grounds, but different political and institutional development after the disintegration. The primary objective of this work is the comparison of electoral design and electoral engineering in the Post-Yugoslav area. An important component of this work is also original and comprehensive theoretical framework for a...

This thesis deals with the topic of the current Wahhabi movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim of this thesis is to assess the size of the movement, its ties with militant Islamist groups, financing, relations with the majority of the Bosnian society and the extent of potential security threat posed by the Bosnian Wahhabis. Due to the prevailing view of most sources dealing with the topic through the prism of security studies, the analysis focuses apart from security segment on political and economic areas. The study set independent, intermediate and dependent variables in order to verify an assumption that the influence and the scope of Wahhabi movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina is on a wane, and despite the presence of several thousand of Wahhabis, it neither poses a significant threat to social order nor development of the country. The findings indicate that financial involvement of foreign Islamic actors in the Bosnian Wahhabi movement is limited. Political instability together with socio-economic difficulties of certain groups of the Bosnian society do no lead to the growth of the Wahhabi community, however, they belong among factors which can potentially contribute to an increase of Islamic radicalisation in the country.

The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was ended in 1995 with the signing of the Dayton Agreement. However, despite almost 25 years passing since its implementation Bosnia and Herzegovina is still a troubled state with deep internal divisions. This study seeks to analyzethe Dayton Agreement using an English School framework together with an examination of the most prevalent approach to peace within it. In Particular, it uses recent English School theoretical developments that place the concepts of order and justice on a spectrum where an ideal mix is sought. The focus is on discovering whether there is a focus on order to the detriment of justice. To accomplish this the thesis uses a combination of qualitative text analysis and the ADICO grammatical syntax which seeks to analyze statements by breaking them down into their constituent parts. The results of the analysis showed that the initial hypothesis was faulty, and order was in fact the least coded part of the Dayton Agreement. However, it also uncovereda number of problems, and contradictions within the Agreement, most of whom were to the detriment of the parts dedicated to justice and peacebuilding. Findings indicate that the parts of the Dayton Agreement focusing on justice and long-term peacebuilding have been negatively affected by inconsistencies and problems within it as well as the sheer variety of goals that the Agreement seeks to fulfill. This in turn has had implications for the long-term success and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Der weltweite Wasserkraftboom wird entweder mit seinen Vorteilen (Hochwasserschutz, Wirtschaftswachstum, erneuerbare Energieerzeugung) oder negativen Auswirkungen betrachtet (Zerstörung intakter Lebensräume, Verdrängung der Bevölkerung und Bedrohung von Existenzgrundlagen). Die vorliegende Arbeit versucht den Wasserkraftboom besser zu verstehen wie auch den Fakt, dass dieser bislang nicht zum Bau großer Wasserkraftwerke geführt hat. Eine Fallstudie wurde von Juli bis Oktober 2016 und Juli bis August 2017 in Bosnien und Herzegowina durchgeführt. Auch dort ist die Zahl der gebauten Wasserkraftprojekte im Vergleich zur Zahl der geplanten Projekte vernachlässigbar gering. Qualitative Forschungsmethoden wurden angewendet und drei wesentliche Schlussfolgerungen gezogen. Erstens (Kap. II) wird erläutert, warum der Boom in Bosnien und Herzegowina nicht in dem vorgesehenen Ausmaß stattfinden wird und inwieweit das Phänomen einer Übertragung auf globalen Maßstab standhält. Zweitens (Kap. III) wird deutlich, wie v.a. kleinere Wasserkraftprojekte von Akteuren zum persönlichen Vorteil genutzt werden. Korruption ist in diesem Sektor weit verbreitet und eng mit dem Diskurs über nachhaltige Entwicklung im Land verbunden. Die kleinen Wasserkraftprojekte schaffen einen sicheren Raum für korrupte Akteure. Schließlich (Kap. IV) wurde untersucht, wie die BewohnerInnen eines kleinen Dorfes in Bosnien und Herzegowina ihre Vorstellungen von Nachhaltigkeit rund um die Wasserkraft verändert haben. Dies taten sie in Übereinstimmung mit sich ändernden sozioökonomischen Bedingungen. Dieses Kapitel illustriert, wie die Flexibilität des Begriffs Nachhaltigkeit für marginalisierte lokale BewohnerInnen von Vorteil sein kann. Die vorliegende Dissertation zeigt, dass der Wasserkraftboom, obwohl bislang weitgehend nur "auf dem Papier" existent, dennoch bereits reale materielle Konsequenzen für nachhaltige Entwicklungsstrategien, Korruption und das lokale Leben mit sich bringt. / The global hydropower boom is a well-known phenomenon. It is either considered for its benefits to sustainable development or cautioned against its negative socio-environmental impacts. Yet the number of existing hydropower projects is not very high globally. This thesis thus aspires to develop a better understanding of the global hydropower boom and why this boom has not resulted in large-scale hydropower plant construction. The hydropower boom in Bosnia and Herzegovina was selected as the object of study. There, the number of constructed hydropower projects is negligible in comparison to the number of planned projects. Qualitative research methods were used to explore the case in depth. The data was collected between July and October, 2016 and between July and August, 2017. Three main conclusions were drawn from the fieldwork conducted. Chapter II shows and explains why the hydropower boom is unlikely to take place in Bosnia and Herzegovina to the extent foreseen. It also questions the phenomenon at a global scale. Chapter III shows how small-scale hydropower projects are used by various actors for personal benefit. Corruption is rife in the sector and closely connected to the sustainable development discourse in the country. A key finding here is that small-scale hydropower projects create a safe space for corrupt actors. Chapter IV explores how the inhabitants of a small village in Bosnia and Herzegovina changed their sustainability imaginaries around hydropower. They did this in accordance with changing socio-economic conditions. This chapter thus illustrates how the flexibility of the term sustainability can be beneficial to marginalised local inhabitants. In general, this thesis, therefore, contributes to the hydropower literature. It shows that the hydropower boom is largely ‘on-paper’ but with real material consequences for sustainable development strategies, corruption, and local lives.