Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiano Miranda do Nascimento Tizzo.pdf: 1001615 bytes, checksum: a55ce256783e91ede9570ac0329c4acf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-10 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This paper aims to analyze Hannah Arendt s (1906-1975) positions on the trial of Otto Adolf Eichmann (1906-1962). This analysis will use the book Eichmann in Jerusalem, produced by the author after having personally witnessed the defendant's trial, a Nazi bureaucrat appointed as responsible for the transport system and bureaucracy that led people to deportation and to death in the Hitlerist period in Germany (1933-1945) under his government orders. After Germany's defeat in World War II, Eichmann escapes and lives in Argentina with a new identity. In 1960, the Israeli secret service captures him and takes him to trial in the District Court of Jerusalem. He was charged with fifteen crimes, including crimes against humanity, crimes against Jewish people and for being a membership of a criminal organization. Throughout his trial, he was analyzed by Hannah Arendt the renowned philosopher whom exposes a number of reflections on the case and on the subject Eichmann. In addition, Arendt discusses the legality of Eichmann s capture and the moral issues that arise throughout the trial, as well as his personal and legal responsibility in the crimes of which he was accused / Este trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar as posições de Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) sobre o julgamento de Otto Adolf Eichmann (1906-1962). Para essa análise será utilizado o livro Eichmann em Jerusalém, produzido pela autora após ter assistido pessoalmente o julgamento do réu, um burocrata nazista apontado como responsável pelo sistema de transportes e pela burocracia que conduziam pessoas para a deportação e à morte no período da ditadura hitlerista na Alemanha (1933-1945) sob as ordens de seu governo. Após a derrota da Alemanha na 2ª Guerra Mundial, Eichmann foge e passa a viver na Argentina com outra identidade. Foi capturado em 1960 pelo serviço secreto israelense e levado a julgamento na Corte Distrital de Jerusalém, onde foi acusado por quinze crimes, dentre eles: crimes contra a humanidade, crimes contra o povo judeu e pertencer a uma organização criminosa. Ao longo de seu julgamento, foi analisado por Hannah Arendt, uma filósofa e intelectual renomada, que expõe inúmeras reflexões sobre o caso e a figura do sujeito Eichmann. Para além disso, Arendt problematiza a legalidade da captura de Eichmann e as questões morais que surgem ao longo do julgamento, bem como sua responsabilidade pessoal e legal quanto aos crimes de que era acusado

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-03T12:58:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Maurício de Morais.pdf: 1680596 bytes, checksum: 515e772ee24aceb7488053222b570957 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-03T12:58:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Maurício de Morais.pdf: 1680596 bytes, checksum: 515e772ee24aceb7488053222b570957 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-03 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The objective of this dissertation is to make an analysis of the training process and institutionalization of the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL), to verify his organizational structure as well as understand how this political party emerged under parliamentarian can be propose as reference of left wing political in Brazil. We realize this premise once the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), since assuming the Presidency of the Republic, has distanced his originating model and making other spaces for political parties become a reference of the reorganization of the national left. This dissertation justified for the importance that the PT has acquired over the years as a mass political party which proposed as representative of the working class and the others marginalized in the country, and its revolutionary proposal to transform the structure of Brazilian society, equating the insistent social inequality over the years. Analyzing the process of rupture with the PT and the formation of the PSOL, we can observe that over the ten years of his formation, the political party has positioned himself as a party representative of the working class, even if in small sectors of the Brazilian population. Such features are often contradictory, since the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL) comes within parliament, and so even has some difficulty to insert social and popular movements of Brazilian society. His originally model, unlike his originated political party, it’s not in social movements, the PSOL begins in the institutional representative landmarks, while the Partido dos Trabalhadores has his origin extra-government. As a source for this dissertation we use documents, interviews, newspaper supporters, news, proceedings of meetings, and proceedings of the National Conference, which made it possible to glimpse their policy guidelines as well as its organizational structure. To complete this dissertation we use wide bibliography that allowed give theoretical basis to our questions / O objetivo desta dissertação é fazer uma análise do processo de formação e institucionalização do Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL), a fim de verificar sua estrutura organizacional, bem como compreender como um partido surgido no âmbito parlamentar pode se propor como referência da esquerda brasileira. Percebemos essa premissa uma vez que o Partido dos Trabalhadores, desde que assumiu a Presidência da República, se distanciou de seu modelo originário abrindo espaço para outros partidos tornarem-se referência da reorganização da esquerda nacional. Este trabalho se justifica dada a importância que o PT adquiriu ao longo dos anos como um partido de massa que se propunha como representante da classe trabalhadora e dos marginalizados do país, e pela sua proposta revolucionária de transformar a estrutura da sociedade brasileira, equacionando assim, a insistente desigualdade social provocada ao longo dos anos. Analisando o processo de ruptura com o PT e a formação do PSOL, podemos observar que ao longo dos dez anos de sua formação, o partido tem se posicionado como uma agremiação representante da classe trabalhadora mesmo que ainda em pequenos setores da população brasileira. Tais características se revelam muitas vezes contraditórias, uma vez que o Partido Socialismo e Liberdade surge no âmbito parlamentar, e por isso mesmo tem certa dificuldade para se inserir nos movimentos sociais e populares da sociedade brasileira. Dado que seu modelo originário, ao contrário de seu partido originário, não está nos movimentos sociais, o PSOL nasce dentro dos marcos institucionais representativos, enquanto que o Partido dos Trabalhadores tem sua origem extraestatal. Como fonte para esse trabalho utilizamos documentos, entrevistas, jornais partidários, noticiários, atas de reuniões e atas do Congresso Nacional, que possibilitaram vislumbrar suas diretrizes políticas bem como sua estrutura organizacional. Para completar o trabalho utilizamos ampla bibliografia que permitiu dar fundamento teórico aos nossos questionamentos

Esta pesquisa é um estudo de caso sobre as atividades da Contadoria e Auditoria-Geral do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul – CAGE –como órgão de monitoramento da execução das políticas públicas. A CAGE é o órgão central do Sistema de Controle Interno do Estado do RS, e esse monitoramento configura-se em um dos mecanismos que permite ao Governador e seus Secretários controlarem a atuação da burocracia estadual. A Constituição Federal de 1988 ampliou significativamente as atribuições do controle interno, levando o órgão a desenvolver instrumentos para o acompanhamento da execução da política pública, bem como produzir informações para subsidiar o processo de tomada de decisão dos gestores públicos estaduais. Com a pesquisa documental, mesmo com limitações, tendo em vista que os dados públicos disponíveis são muitos recentes, é possível observar que as avaliações produzidas pelo órgão de controle interno sobre o desempenho da burocracia, baseadas em critérios técnicos e burocráticos, podem ser utilizadas pelos agentes políticos para alinhar a burocracia às políticas e aos programas definidos politicamente. Assim, o monitoramento realizado pela CAGE tem o potencial de funcionar como controle político, ou seja, o Governador pode utilizar as informações produzidas pelo órgão de controle interno para controlar a sua burocracia e a de seu gabinete de governo. No entanto, essa utilização é circunstancial, não sistemática e dependente de forças políticas. A pressão por transparência por parte da opinião pública e a responsabilização foram algumas das contingências identificadas. Neste trabalho é possível analisar o controle interno enquanto um instrumento disponível e capaz de realizar o monitoramento de políticas públicas, mas não é possível avaliar o quanto a burocracia alterou o seu desempenho na implementação da política pública atendendo à determinação dos políticos. Se, por um lado, foi possível identificar que as atividades desenvolvidas pelo órgão burocrático de controle interno instrumentalizam o governante no controle político sobre a burocracia, por outro, é preciso aprofundar a pesquisa para identificar forças, além das já identificadas, que pudessem levar à utilização sistemática deste mecanismo. Apesar desse mecanismo existir, ele não está integrado a outros órgãos de monitoramento dentro do Estado, levando seu uso a ser contingente. Em uma futura pesquisa poderia se analisar o efeito do monitoramento realizado pela CAGE sobre as várias Secretarias, buscando identificar as respostas da burocracia ao controle político, o que permitiria uma avaliação do papel do controle interno na promoção da transparência e responsabilização governamental. / This research is a case study on the activities of the Accounting and General Auditing of the State of Rio Grande do Sul – CAGE – as a body for monitoring the execution of public policies. CAGE is the central body of the Internal Control System of the State of Rio Grande do Sul and such monitoring is configured in one of the mechanisms that allows the Governor and his Secretaries to control the performance of the State bureaucracy. The Federal Constitution of 1988 expanded significantly the tasks of the internal control, leading CAGE to develop tools for the monitoring of the implementation of public policy as well as producing information to support the decision-making process of state public managers. With the documentary research, even with limitations, considering that the public data available are very recent, it is observed that the evaluations produced by the internal control body on the performance of the bureaucracy, based on bureaucratic and technical criteria, can be used by political agents, such as the Governor and his Secretaries to align the bureaucracy to policies and politically defined programmes. Thus, the monitoring carried out by CAGE has the potential to function as political control, that is, the Governor can use the information produced by the internal control agency to manage his paperwork and his cabinet. However, such use is circumstantial, not systematic and dependent on political forces. The pressure for public transparency and accountability were some of the contingencies identified. In this work it was possible to analyse the internal control as an instrument available and capable of performing the monitoring of public policies, but it has not been possible to assess how the bureaucracy has changed its performance in implementing public policy given the politicians commands. If on one hand, it was possible to identify that the activities developed by the bureaucratic organ of internal control provides tools to the Governor in political control over the bureaucracy, it is necessary to deepen the research to identify strengths, beyond those already identified, which could lead to the systematic use of this mechanism. Although such mechanism exists it is not integrated with other monitoring bodies within the State leading its use be contingent. A further research could analyze the effect of monitoring conducted by CAGE on the various Secretariats, seeking to identify the answers of the bureaucracy to political control which would allow an assessment of the role of internal control in promoting transparency and government accountability.

This project draws attention to a contemporary exaltation of competence and swift decision-making that emphasizes the moment of executive power in democratic political practice and within democratic theory. Drawing on Weber’s concept of rationalization and his opposition between the mentalities of the official and the politician, I develop a distinct conception of bureaucracy as a mode of thought. Bureaucratic thinking involves the application of technical knowledge and skills, with a claim to universality and objectivity, in order to produce results and promote consensus and social harmony. I argue that this conception allows us to better recognize the contemporary diffusion of a flexible, decentralized type of bureaucracy and situate it within the history of affinity and tension between bureaucratic and democratic principles. I focus on a tradition within continental democratic theory, which tends to downplay politics by replacing it with administration and regulation. French political theorist and historian Pierre Rosanvallon is its contemporary representative, building on Hegel and Durkheim as well as Saint-Simon and Léon Duguit. Initially, Rosanvallon offered a theory of participation and democratic legitimacy that would work within the administrative state, taking into account his own strong critiques of bureaucracy. I argue that significant shifts evident in his later works, which respond to new realities, explicitly and/or implicitly mobilize bureaucratic thinking and practice to buttress democratic legitimacy within the nation-state and the European Union. I then play Rosanvallon’s earlier anti-bureaucratic arguments against his modified position in order to argue against attempts to reconcile bureaucracy and democracy, understood in its procedural form with equal freedom at its core. My claim is that bureaucratic thinking aims at consensus, encourages passivity, undermines the democratic value of political equality, and obscures values and interests behind policy decisions that are presented as neutral, technical, and fact-based. Methodologically, I use the history of ideas to develop the concept of the bureaucratic mentality, tracing it through the work of exemplary thinkers from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, including Hegel, Durkheim, and Weber.

This thesis is an ethnography of the practice of property restitution in post-war Kosovo. The site of the largest European Union rule of law mission (EULEX) outside its member states, Kosovo is a paradigmatic case of liberal interventionism and state building under the banner of human rights. The thesis is based on 14 months (May 2012 to July 2013) of multi-sited, ethnographic fieldwork in and around the Kosovo Property Agency (KPA), the administrative, mass claims mechanism put in place by the UN to adjudicate war-related property claims between 2006 and 2016. Working with claimants and respondents, administrative clerks, national and international lawyers, commissioners and Supreme Court judges, this study presents novel insights into the everyday workings of the law from within an institution that remained largely closed to the public eye. I investigate the ways in which property, and property rights were reconfigured in post-war Kosovo through the processing of claims at the KPA. To understand how restitution worked, I probe the practices of technical-legal knowledge production by examining key moments of mass claims adjudication: the reframing of grievances in the language of the law, the making of institutional, legal knowledge, the legal analysis of files, and the implementation of decisions. Through this, I look at the consequences of the juridification of normative ideals (human rights and the rule of law) on the restitution process, its protagonists, and the law itself. My ethnographic material suggests rethinking the value of binary analyses of victims and perpetrators, the universal and the vernacularised, 'law of the books' and 'law in action', the extraordinary and the ordinary, and traces the everyday production of 'rough justice'. Building on current debates in anthropology of law on the bureaucratisation of human rights, transitional justice, and legal practice, my research reveals the tensions between the ideals of human rights that underpin the process of property restitution and the legal and political realities of transition.

Submitted by Erika Demachki (erikademachki@gmail.com) on 2015-02-27T18:12:53Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - José Santana da Silva - 2014.pdf: 2049842 bytes, checksum: 513ce3d0c825870ec2294bff10b4a1f8 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Erika Demachki (erikademachki@gmail.com) on 2015-02-27T18:13:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - José Santana da Silva - 2014.pdf: 2049842 bytes, checksum: 513ce3d0c825870ec2294bff10b4a1f8 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-02-27T18:13:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - José Santana da Silva - 2014.pdf: 2049842 bytes, checksum: 513ce3d0c825870ec2294bff10b4a1f8 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-30 / Outros / This thesis is a history of union organization of workers in agriculture in the state of Goiás, between 1963 and 1992, that is, the foundation of the first unions to extinction of Rural Workers Trade Union Opposition. The starting point is the origin of the unions in the history of modern societies, created by the working class to combat the exploitation of its workforce. The Following are the definitions of bureaucracy, while social class relations and bureaucratic red tape, with the fundamental references formulations of Marx, Viana and Tragtenberg. The contributions of Weber and Lefort are secondary references. In characterizing the bureaucratization of unions, the analyzes of Luxembourg and Pannekoek are basic. Reconstitution of the bureaucratization of the union organization process in Brazil is based on works of national authors and analysis of trade union legislation. The theoretical and historical explanation is performed in the first chapter. The second is devoted to the emergence of rural unionism in the state of Goiás In the third and fourth story is addressed to the Federation of Agricultural Workers in the State of Goiás – Fetaeg – including the relationship with the Trade Union Opposition and the struggles of peasants and agricultural workers. In addition to bibliographical sources, journalistic sources, official documents of the Ministry of Labor, the state government, the unions of rural workers and Fetaeg were used. Some oral testimonies were used in a complementary manner. / A presente tese consiste numa história da organização sindical dos trabalhadores na agricultura no estado de Goiás, entre 1963 e 1992, isto é, da fundação dos primeiros sindicatos à extinção da Oposição Sindical dos Trabalhadores Rurais. O ponto de partida é a origem dos sindicatos na história das sociedades modernas, criados pela classe operária para combater a exploração da sua força de trabalho. A seguir, são apresentadas as definições dos conceitos de burocracia, enquanto classe social, relações burocráticas e burocratização, tendo como referências fundamentais as formulações de Marx, Viana e Tragtenberg. As contribuições de Weber e de Lefort são referências secundárias. Na caracterização da burocratização dos sindicatos, as análises de Luxemburgo e de Pannekoek são basilares. A reconstituição do processo de burocratização da organização sindical no Brasil é feita com base em trabalhos de autores nacionais e na análise da legislação sindical. A explanação teórica e histórica é realizada no primeiro capítulo. O segundo é dedicado ao surgimento do sindicalismo rural no estado de Goiás. No terceiro e no quarto é abordada a história da Federação dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura no Estado de Goiás – FETAEG –, incluindo a relação com a Oposição Sindical e com as lutas dos camponeses e assalariados agrícolas. Além das fontes bibliográficas, foram utilizadas fontes jornalísticas, documentos oficiais do Ministério do Trabalho, do governo estadual, dos sindicatos de trabalhadores rurais e da FETAEG. Alguns depoimentos orais foram usados em caráter complementar.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-11-30T11:32:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rubens Ferreira Junior.pdf: 1796283 bytes, checksum: de1814582d933c88c636e0614fd43dfe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-30T11:32:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rubens Ferreira Junior.pdf: 1796283 bytes, checksum: de1814582d933c88c636e0614fd43dfe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-11-08 / This dissertation aims to analyse the structure of the Public Administration, both in terms of its purposes and its means, with special attention on public office regime. An analysis based on Max Weber’s premises regarding the Patrimonial and the Bureaucratic Public Administration, in order to question the called Managerial Public Administration, erroneously related to the idea of a more efficient management. It is also intended to demonstrate the inexistence of the correlation between Managerial Public Administration and Democracy, as well as the inconsistency of the discourse regarding the blemishes of the bureaucracy (as long as implemented), with the suppression of deviated conduct in a patrimonial context, which offend the principles of the Public Administration, mainly the morality, the supremacy of the public interest and, above all, the efficiency, which has triggered the whole managerial restructuration. This study focuses on two main actors: the public agent and the citizen, and will emphasize the first due to the specific regime imposed on him / A presente dissertação de mestrado pretende promover a análise da estrutura da Administração Pública, tanto no que refere aos seus fins quanto aos seus meios, com enfoque no regime de cargo. Uma análise – que parte das premissas de Max Weber referente aos tipos de Administração Pública Patrimonial e Burocrática – para questionar a chamada Administração Pública Gerencial, associada erroneamente à uma administração mais eficiente, bem como para demonstrar a inexistência da correlação entre a figura da Administração Pública Gerencial e a democracia, como também a improcedência do discurso acerca das mazelas da burocracia – desde que efetivamente implantada – com a supressão dos desvios de conduta de caráter patrimonialista que ofendem os princípios da Administração Pública, em especial a moralidade, a supremacia do interesse público e, sobretudo, a eficiência, que desencadeou toda a reestruturação gerencial. Esta análise concentra-se em dois protagonistas: o agente público e o cidadão, com foco no primeiro, haja vista o próprio regime que lhe é imposto

Este trabalho é um ponto de encontro entre dois artistas nova-iorquinos da segunda metade do século XX: Gordon Matta-Clark (Nova York, 1943-1978) e Félix González-Torres (Guaimaro, Cuba, 1957-Nova York, 1996) através de obras que se propõem como uma contradição nos termos: propriedades sem bem, ou a possibilidade de possuir um objeto materialmente inexistente. O primeiro, Gordon Matta-Clark, com a obra Propriedades Reais: Bens Fictícios, consistente na compra e registros fotográficos de bens imobiliários que, tendo seus limites marcados nas escrituras e nos mapas, não apresentam fronteiras perceptíveis no espaço físico. O segundo, Félix González-Torres com obras que encontram sua origem em Certificados de Autenticidade / Propriedade de objetos a ser manifestados, isto é, construídos pelo dono da peça ou por aquele que pedir emprestado o direito de montá-la. Propriedades sem bem que -- enxergadas por Matta-Clark na década de 70, e construídas por González-Torres na década de 90 --, abrem um leque de questionamentos sobre temas básicos de uma sociedade baseada no intercâmbio e na acumulação. A saber, a burocracia, o valor de troca e a noção de propriedade que, mais do que consistir em um objeto a ser possuído, consiste em um convênio a ser respeitado. Pacto ancorado em um complexo andaime econômico e legal, de números e de letras, que os dois artistas, desde cantos diferentes, percorrem até suas últimas consequências. Este texto é a história desse percurso. / This work is a meeting point between two artists of the second half of the twentieth century: Gordon Matta-Clark (New York, 1943-1978) and Felix Gonzalez-Torres (Guaimaro, Cuba, 1957-New York, 1996). The connection is established through works that are proposed as a contradiction in terms: properties without physical goods, or the possibility of owning one thing that does not exist in a material way. The first, Gordon Matta-Clark, with the work Reality Properties: Fake Estates, consists of the purchase and photographical registers of real estates, with their boundaries, marked in the deeds and maps, shows no discernible physical space. The second, Félix González-Torres, with works that find their origin in Certificates of Authenticity / Property of objects to be manifested, that is, built by the owner of the piece or by the one who borrows the right to assemble it. Properties without goods that - sighted by Matta-Clark in the 70s and constructed by González-Torres in the 90s - opens a range of questions about basic themes of a society founded on exchange and accumulation. Specifically: bureaucracy, exchange value and the notion of property that consists of more than an object to be possessed, a covenant to be respected. Covenant deals anchored on a complex economic and legal structure -numbers and letters- that both artists explore to the ultimate consequences. This text is the story of that exploration.

Este trabalho teve por objetivo analisar a visão de uma parcela do funcionalismo municipal sobre as antigas funções clássicas da burocracia hierarquia, capacitação e qualificação técnica-, conjugadas agora, com o fortalecimento de mecanismos de ampliação dos processos decisórios através da participação popular e da responsabilização do poder público neste processo. Como competência administrativa convive com inovações que visam a implantação e o aprofundamento da democracia numa cidade governada pela esquerda? / The purpose of this Dissertation is to analyse the local civil servent views about the classic functions of bureaucracy -hierarchy, technical expertise- in contrast now with the changes in local policy-making process turn out by increasing in political participation and accountability processes. How can administrativa proficiency rub shoulders with change toward democracy deepen in a town with a left-wing government?

The need to improve the quality of government decision-making and tailor China's management to its more complex economy after Mao's death forced China's Party authorities to implement a number of administrative reforms, and to select administrative leaders from among professionals and specialists based on their competence, education, and age. The crucial outcome of these post-Mao reforms, 1979 to the present, is the major focus of this research. This study examines the role of China's top administrative elites during and after the post-Mao administrative reforms, and determines to what extent the changes and their impact on the policy-making may have brought about better economic policies and development. China's social and political conditions and leadership changes before, during, and after the reform are provided as background information for the analysis of policy making in China. This is followed by an analysis of various contemporary theories of bureaucracy and technocracy in general, and the Weberian Legal-Rational model of modern bureaucracy in particular. Qualitative and quantitative methods coupled with surveys, interviews, biographical and documentary-historical methods, and other primary and secondary data are combined in this empirical study. The primary data on biographical information of administrative elites were drawn from the collected results of questionnaires and interviews with elite members of State Council ministries and commissions, provincial and municipal governments. The secondary data were used to conduct a biographical study of the Maoist and post-Mao top administrative elites--all premiers, vice-premiers, State Council ministers, and all provincial governors and municipal mayors from the founding of the PRC in 1949 up until 1993. Through these analyses, the study found that post-Mao administrative reform has indeed brought about changes in the composition of administrative elites. These post-Mao administrative elites are more professionally competent, better educated, more efficient, and younger. Their economic policies have stimulated more extensive and sustained economic development.