二次世界大戰時，美國擊敗日本，使朝鮮半島脫離殖民統治，然而隨後的美蘇冷戰，使得朝鮮半島分裂成南北兩韓，而美國與南韓簽訂條約，成立美韓同盟(U.S.–South Korea Alliance)，成為繼日本之後，美國在亞洲的另一個戰略同盟。冷戰與後冷戰期間，美韓關係雖有波折，但不影響美韓同盟的強度。直到2000年美國小布希就任，其強硬的北韓政策與南韓金大中的陽光政策形成對比，成了美韓關係不協調的開端。而後連任的小布希延續其北韓政策，南韓繼任的盧武鉉將陽光政策擴大實施，推出和平繁榮政策，美韓兩國的北韓政策再度不同調，兩國關係持續跌宕起伏至2008年。本研究試圖以攻勢現實主義分析美國此時期的北韓政策；以新自由制度主義檢視南韓的交往政策，透過理論交鋒研究兩國利益的差異，並檢視外部因素如中國、日本、俄羅斯的影響，進而解釋此時期美韓關係不協調的原因。 / In 1945, the U.S. defeated Japan. The Korean peninsula was liberated from Japanese colonization at the end of World War II. However, the confrontation between the U.S. and the Soviet Union left two Koreas separated by the Demilitarized Zone from the Cold War to the present. In addition, based on the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the United States of America and the Republic of Korea, the U.S.–South Korea Alliance was established. During the Cold War and Post Cold War era, the U.S.-South Korea relations faced hard times, but the alliance remained strong. When George W. Bush became the president of the U.S. in the year 2000, his hardline policy toward North Korea collided with South Korea’s Sunshine Policy, which was made by the president Kim Dae-jung. These different policies toward the North caused tensions to the U.S.-South Korea relations. Then the re-elected Bush continued hardline policy against North Korea, but South Korea’s new president—Roh Moo-hyun—decided to inherit the sunshine policy and develop Peace and Prosperity Policy. Washington and Seoul still failed to reach a consensus on how to deal with Pyongyang. The U.S.-South Korea relations continued to fluctuate until 2008. This study tries to analyze the U.S. policy toward North Korea through offensive realism and examine South Korean engagement policy through neoliberal institutionalism from 2000 to 2008. Besides, this thesis also considers exogenous factors such as China, Japan, and Russia, trying to explain the inconstancy of the U.S.-South Korea relations.

The rapid expansion of the postwar commercial aviation industry in Canada was made possible, in part, by the thousands of wartime pilots who filled the ranks of the nation’s major airlines beginning in 1944. Through mentorship of subsequent generations of peacetime aviators, wartime pilots had lasting impacts on the Canadian commercial aviation industry during their time flying for companies such as Trans Canada Airlines (TCA). Following an examination of the agreements made between the Royal Canadian Air Force and TCA between 1944 and 1945 for the transfer of pilots between the two organizations, this thesis tracks the development of the professional culture of wartime RCAF aviators through an analysis of their training and subsequent operational flying during the war. It concludes that while there were numerous benefits for commercial aviation in Canada through this process, there were, likewise, a series of negative repercussions for the safety of the Canadian aviation industry.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 8, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Os Kalankó, Karuazu, Katokinn e Koiupanka. desde 1998 vem reaparecendo no cenário étnico-político como índios resistentes. Como tais, demandam do Órgão indigenista oficial, a FUNAI, reconhecimento, delimitação e demarcação etnicoterritorial. A forma particular como reapareceram marcou os quatro povos: uma aparição pública coletiva chamada "festa do ressurgimento". Apresentando-se de forma similar, mas em espaço físico e temporal distintos, o reaparecimento étnico dos KKKK tem como pano de fundo o processo hist6rico e a trajet6ria (dispersão e reagrupamento) desses grupos como "rama" e "ponta de rama" (dos Pankararu, seus ascendentes) no Alto Sertão alagoano. A pesquisa de campo desenvolve-se, paralelamente, no registro fílmico-fotográfico desses eventos e na reconstrução de seus etnônimos e observa, em seu conjunto, as relações entre a representação indígena e a imagem "como um retorno a si mesmo" como uma forma de entrever o passado desses povos em imagens do presente, nas quais os indivíduos e suas comunidades compõem sua própria forma de "mostrar-se" ao mundo com "novas" especificidades étnicas, numa tentativa de restaurar também sua memória, o que permite, nesta pesquisa, caracterizar o tratamento hist6rico atribuído aos índios, enquanto que, paralelamente, o registro imagético possibilita também formar arquivos dos mesmos no Brasil. / Since 1998 the Kalankó, Karuazu, Katokinn and Koiupanka have been reappearing throughout the ethnic-political scene as resistant Indians. As such, they have demanded from Funai, the official indigenist office, their official recognition, as well as the measurement and official establishment of their ethnic territories. The singular way in which they have reappeared has marked the four peoples: a collective public appearance named the reappearance feast". Showing themselves in a similar way, but in distinct physical and temporal spaces, the ethnic reappearance of the KKKK branch has had as backdrop the historical process and journey (breaking up and regrouping) of these groups as "branch" and "end of branch" (from their ascendants, the Pankararu) in the highlands of Alagoas state. Meanwhile, in the same time frame, fieldwork is developed, overall, using filmic-photographic register of these events observing as well the reconstruction of their ethnic-names, including the relationships between indigenous self-presentation and image "as a return upon oneself'. This is a way to see the past of these peoples and the images of their actuality, in which individuals and their communities compose their own form of "showing themselves off' to the world with "new" ethnic specificities, as an attempt to bring back their memories. All of this allows this research to characterize the historical treatment given to the Indians while, at the same time, the imagetic registration also allows the formation of archives about them in Brazil.

Os Kalankó, Karuazu, Katokinn e Koiupanka. desde 1998 vem reaparecendo no cenário étnico-político como índios resistentes. Como tais, demandam do Órgão indigenista oficial, a FUNAI, reconhecimento, delimitação e demarcação etnicoterritorial. A forma particular como reapareceram marcou os quatro povos: uma aparição pública coletiva chamada "festa do ressurgimento". Apresentando-se de forma similar, mas em espaço físico e temporal distintos, o reaparecimento étnico dos KKKK tem como pano de fundo o processo hist6rico e a trajet6ria (dispersão e reagrupamento) desses grupos como "rama" e "ponta de rama" (dos Pankararu, seus ascendentes) no Alto Sertão alagoano. A pesquisa de campo desenvolve-se, paralelamente, no registro fílmico-fotográfico desses eventos e na reconstrução de seus etnônimos e observa, em seu conjunto, as relações entre a representação indígena e a imagem "como um retorno a si mesmo" como uma forma de entrever o passado desses povos em imagens do presente, nas quais os indivíduos e suas comunidades compõem sua própria forma de "mostrar-se" ao mundo com "novas" especificidades étnicas, numa tentativa de restaurar também sua memória, o que permite, nesta pesquisa, caracterizar o tratamento hist6rico atribuído aos índios, enquanto que, paralelamente, o registro imagético possibilita também formar arquivos dos mesmos no Brasil. / Since 1998 the Kalankó, Karuazu, Katokinn and Koiupanka have been reappearing throughout the ethnic-political scene as resistant Indians. As such, they have demanded from Funai, the official indigenist office, their official recognition, as well as the measurement and official establishment of their ethnic territories. The singular way in which they have reappeared has marked the four peoples: a collective public appearance named the reappearance feast". Showing themselves in a similar way, but in distinct physical and temporal spaces, the ethnic reappearance of the KKKK branch has had as backdrop the historical process and journey (breaking up and regrouping) of these groups as "branch" and "end of branch" (from their ascendants, the Pankararu) in the highlands of Alagoas state. Meanwhile, in the same time frame, fieldwork is developed, overall, using filmic-photographic register of these events observing as well the reconstruction of their ethnic-names, including the relationships between indigenous self-presentation and image "as a return upon oneself'. This is a way to see the past of these peoples and the images of their actuality, in which individuals and their communities compose their own form of "showing themselves off' to the world with "new" ethnic specificities, as an attempt to bring back their memories. All of this allows this research to characterize the historical treatment given to the Indians while, at the same time, the imagetic registration also allows the formation of archives about them in Brazil.

This study examined the ideograph of <collateral damage> through an analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric as well as visual photographs of Iraqi civilian deaths. The project argues that the psycho-dynamic rhetoric of the Bush Administration during a time of visual censorship lead to the dehumanization of Iraqi civilian deaths during the War in Iraq. The method consisted of a textual analysis of the Bush Administration's rhetoric and continued with a content analysis of news media's photographs. The author argues that critics gain a deeper understanding of the disappearing dead phenomenon of Iraqi civilians by examining ideographic fragments of psycho-dynamic rhetoric.

Wissen, Wissenssammlungen und Wissensordnungen haben sich im Laufe der Jahre verändert, ebenso wie die Wissensproduktion, die Schaffung neuen Wissens, die Wissenschaft selbst. Der Baum des Wissens, arbor porphyriana oder auch arbor scientiae war seit der Antike eine gültige Metapher und das Klassifikationsschema für die Struktur des Wissens, die epistemologische Ordnung. So lehnte auch Denis Diderot die Ordnung seiner berühmten Enzyklopädie an die Baumstruktur des Wissens von Francis Bacon an. (...)

Over the course of the last few years, a new movement has taken the American political system by storm, the Tea Party. The movement has not only captivated our media but also the minds of ordinary Americans and political elites. According to popular consensus and academic opinion, the Tea Party is comprised of a group of conservative-leaning Republicans who want a smaller government and a lesser tax burden. This is what we think of the Tea Party, but is it true? It is perceived that Tea Party members differ significantly from their Republican colleagues in the House of Representatives, but do they? Do they truly represent the Tea Party philosophy and agenda? By creating an original data set on the Republican members of the United States House of Representatives, and examining variables such as the political lean, economic and employment make-up of a member's district, their endorsements and incumbency, as well as high priority legislative votes from the 112th Congress, I will be able to investigate the characteristics and tendencies of Tea Party Caucus members. Once one looks at the 242 member House Republican Caucus and further examines the sixty members of the Tea Party Caucus, the data shows that Tea Party Caucus members largely originate from safe Republican districts and have served in previous congressional terms. Analysis shows that Tea Party Caucus members do vary significantly from their House Republican colleagues when examining their districts, but do not vary as considerably when examining their voting patterns.

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