Näthat är idag en förväntad nackdel av att använda internet och sociala medier. Även när hatet är riktat mot en individ blir det oftast en attack mot en kollektiv identitet. Syftet med studien var att analysera vilka normer och ideologier som främjas i hatkommentarer och hur de samspelar med varandra baserat på mottagarens kön, ålder, hudfärg och sexualitet. Totalt analyserades kommentarer från åtta videoklipp publicerade på Youtube, fyra vardera spel- respektive sminkbranschen. Genom att använda ett Python script och Googles’ Perspective API, kunde kommentarer med en viss nivå av toxicitet väljas från videoklippens kommentarsfält. Sedan analyserades kommentarerna av författarna utifrån olika diskurskritiska kriterier utifrån metoden kritisk diskursanalys. Analysen visade att nationalism och misogyni var de största ideologierna bakom hatkommentarerna och många avsändare hade tydligt använt olika härskartekniker. Förutom de nämnda ideologierna, hittades även patriarkat och skönhetsideologin. Resultaten visade att även fast det är samma ideologi bakom flera hatkommentarer, vad som specifikt attackeras och kritiseras varierar beroende på mottagarens kön, ålder, hudfärg och sexualitet. För framtida studier skulle en liknande analys kunna göras fast med fokus på hur mycket och vilken sorts näthat personer med färre följare och engagemang får. / Online hate is an expected downside of using the internet and even when hate is solely targeted towards an individual, it becomes an attack on a collective identity. The purpose of this study was to examine which norms and ideologies could be found in hate comments and how they interact with each other – based on gender, age, skin colour, and the sexuality of the receivers. In total, the comments of eight YouTube videos were examined. Four in the gaming genre and four in the beauty genre. Using a Python script and Google’s Perspective API, comments above a certain toxic threshold were taken from the videos which were then analysed by the authors based on different criteria. The analysations were done using critical discourse analysis. The analysis showed that nationalism and misogyny were the main ideologies behind the hate comments and multiple comments used master suppression techniques. In addition to the mentioned ideologies, patriarch and the ideology of beauty were also found. The results show that even if the same ideology is behind multiple hate comments, what is being attacked or criticised varied depending on the receiver’s gender, age, skin colour, and sexuality. Due to many of the youtubers having a big following and engagement, many of their followers defended them against online hate. For future studies, a similar analysis could be done but with a focus on people with less followers and engagements.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the constructed vision of social reality that the Sweden Democrats define and thus defend and legitimizes through their climate and environmental policy. With a focus on the power relations that are constitutive of the Sweden Democrats' definition of social reality, the intention is to clarify the Sweden Democrats' position on the issue of climate change and to make visible what underlies their actions concerning the ratification of the Paris Agreement. To achieve the purpose, critical discourse analysis is used as a method where political documents concerning the Sweden Democrats' climate, environment, and energy policy during the period 2018-2021 constitute the empirical material. The results show that the Sweden Democrats' definition of climate change is both ambiguous and ambivalent, where Sweden's self-image and Swedish interests are prioritized over climate measures. The result also shows that the Sweden Democrats' definition of climate change is constituted by underlying power relations to preserve the power of the nation-state and the subordinate position of developing countries. One conclusion that can be drawn is to reduce the Sweden Democrats to just being climate change deniers is to simplify because their attitude to climate change is characterized by ambivalence and self-interest rather than skepticism and denial. Another conclusion is that the Sweden Democrats' attitude to climate change is more about defending and preserving existing power relations and less about questioning the existence of climate change. A third conclusion that can be drawn is that the Sweden Democrats' action regarding the Paris Agreement is more about opposing a social change that entails increased equality and about legitimizing the nation state's continued relevance in a globalized world, and less about opposing the content and implementation of the Paris Agreement.

This paper attempts to decode anti-refugee sentiments on Chinese social media. It is based on the selection, organization, and thematization of typical anti-refugee narratives extracted from social media in order to better understand the reasons behind such sentiments. Attitudes towards refugees on Chinese social media are overwhelmingly negative. The negative reaction was multi-layered: (1) a narcissistic presentation of China’s self-image; (2) Islamophobic sentiments; (3) resentment towards the West.

This paper argues for the utilisation of Critical Discourse Analysis to analyse the Australian governments disaster risk frameworks and plans to find if their depiction, or lack thereof, of indigenous knowledge and people can be traced parallel to their historical treatment of indigenous Australians. Focusing on matters of inequality which plague the indigenous people of Australia, I discuss how indigenous people and their knowledge have been disregarded within the drafting of Australia’s Disaster Risk Reduction and Management plans and frameworks, resulting in a lack of inclusion and consideration of the benefit of their indigenous communities and their knowledge. The need for this study lies in the fact that the field of Disaster Risk Reduction and Management is focused upon an epistemologically scientific form of study, often subsuming other avenues of knowledge attainment which can prove helpful in reducing and managing disaster risk. To do this, the study considers the historical treatment of indigenous Australians to contextualise the meanings of words, sentences, and statements within the documents, focusing on matters of ethnic inequality, to answer the question: How can the Australian governmental discourse surrounding indigenous people and their knowledge within Australia’s disaster preparation frameworks exemplify the ongoing issue of indigenous inequality globally?

A law proposal was passed by the Danish parliament in 2018 prohibiting the wear of niqab and burqa in all public spaces. This study aims to analyse the discourse of the debate in the parliament leading up to the passing of the law by using Fairclough’s method of critical discourse analysis. The analysis focusses on the construction of Muslim women in the Danish parliament’s debate regarding the ban on niqab/burqa in public spaces, thereby centering the gendered role of islamophobia. Fairclough’s method of critical discourse analysis is used in the analysis in conjunction with perspectives from postcolonial theorists such as Said, Spivak, Yeğenoğlu and Mohanty. The study concludes that the discourse of the debate can be understood as a form of cultural violence. By drawing on orientalist and white feminist discourse it reproduces a cultural hegemonic relation between Western societies and their “Others”. Culture and religion are used as explanations for gender oppression, placing the fault on the “Other”. This not only stigmatizes anyone who is understood as an “Other” but also obscures gender oppression among the majority Danish population making it harder to address.

The Finnish police have power and influence as they are gate keepers of the criminal justice system. Governmental crime reduction policies rely on the actions of the police and in 2020 the Finnish police made a TikTok video to warn adolescences about dangers of sexting. My thesis uses Lerner’s Just world hypothesis and Bacchi’s What’s the problem represented to be as a theoretical framework, and multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) to identify how the victim is represented in the TikTok video. The analysis on the content of the TikTok video is representing the victim as culpable for the crime against him/her. When the analysis is applied to the theoretical framework, it can be argued that the instructive TikTok video bears pressing social and institutional problems and extends people’s responsibility for avoiding crime and therefore fails achieving a balanced policy between crime prevention and criminal justice response.

The aim of this paper was to study whether or not the 2018 Lebanese general election had contributed in the securitization of the Syrian refugees in the Lebanese media discourse. The thesis also looked at if the Syrian refugees were portrayed as victims in the same media outlets. The main focus was on two Lebanese digital media which are Al-Manar, and Al- Akhbar. This study relied on the Securitization theory and Critical Discourse analysis to understand the issue presented. With the help of the securitization theory and critical discourse analysis it can be argued that the Lebanese election did not directly influence the media discourse in the country, it did however, intensify the media reporting on the Syrian refugees during that time. Furthermore, the discourse did become harsher during the election time. Finally, with the help of images used in the chosen articles, the Syrian refugees often times were portrayed as victims in the chosen media for different political reasons.

The Swedish Armed Forces can be considered a hegemonic masculine organisation with deeply embedded patterns of patriarchy, as well as fratriarchy represented by notions of homogeneity and the male soldier. Women are highly underrepresented and face multiple double standards related to their performance of gender and more precisely performance of femininity. However, the Swedish Armed Forces claim to be an inclusive organisation and advertise this through different recruiting strategies, which display women in uniforms. This thesis uses the methodology of qualitative research by combining the methods of critical discourse analysis and critical visual analysis to analyse the representation and the performativity of gender in a recruiting advertisement for inclusivity by the Swedish Armed Forces. I argue that this advertisement led to a certain form of reproducing stereotypical notions of femininity by representing women who embody certain requirements connected to beauty standards. At the same time, notions of hegemonic masculinity and patriarchy are challenged through the representation of women in military uniforms.

Turkey and its authoritarian policies are in the headlines: the topic of Syrian refugees and the EU – Turkey deal, gross human rights violations, repression against opposition parties, and last but not least the withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention in March 2021. Heavy protests of feminist activist groups are demanding the end of gender-based violence and femicide.Against this background, the thesis investigates the reasons for the rapidly rising number of femicides in Turkey since 2008. It is argued that femicides are not isolated, individualized acts. Rather, they need to be grasped by the present social, political, and gendered context of Turkey. A contextual intersectional analysis is applied to examine the multifaceted and multilayered political phenomenon of femicides.The analysis reveals that femicides are not caused by single-issue factors, but rather by a variety of interlocking determinants such as deeply entrenched gender roles and patriarchal structures, gender-based violence, the regulatory landscape and the creation of political conditions that institutionalize gender hierarchy and violence.The unique contribution of this paper is the adoption of a decolonial view that incorporates a view to the resistance practices embedded into practices of repression and violence.

Corporate image reflects on how a company is perceived to the public outside of the organisation. It is based on the reputation the company already has and constantly creates. Today numerous people use and rely on social media networks which encourage companies to try to reach their audiences and shape company image by the usage of different digital networks. One of the platforms where companies can represent their business is LinkedIn, as it is designed specifically for organizations and individuals to develop a professional image. One of the platform’s most popular feature is the possibility to post job advertisings that are seen in several platform areas. These job offers serve as a recruitment tool but also simultaneously shape the image of a company. Therefore, it is interesting to explore how job posts of a company manage to stay informative, focused on the targeted audience and, at the same time, shape corporate image. Thesis project, “Communicating corporate image: A Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis on LinkedIn Job Advertisements”, aims to examine how world leading Swedish companies create their corporate image through job advertisements posted on the social media platform LinkedIn and what that image is. The study draws on media logic theory together with the concept of discourse and tries to reach the project’s aim by applying multimodal critical discourse analysis. By this model, job advertisements of 3 companies based in Sweden were analysed. Results show that corporate image through job advertisements is created equally by the company and the platform LinkedIn. Companies in job advertisements use semi-formal language, creative elements, address accomplishments, values and goals to attract the reader. While LinkedIn places main company information that can influence job advertisement readers to obtain a primary opinion about the enterprise.