O célebre livro de cozinha atribuído ao romano de nome Apício (século I d.C., provavelmente) e intitulado De re coquinaria pela erudição moderna do século XIX, chegou até nós unicamente por meio de três manuscritos medievais datados dos séculos VIII e IX, dois deles provenientes dos mosteiros de Fulda e Tours. Dado importante, porém pouco explorado, tendo em vista que o receituário aparece muito mais associado às cozinhas da Roma Imperial do que aquelas da Idade Média. Partindo da hipótese de que a cópia dos manuscritos apicianos por homens da Alta Idade Média esteja ancorada a aspirações particulares ao momento dinâmico do Renascimento Carolíngio, esta tese procurou traçar o enquadramento sócio-cultural que explica a reprodução e a incorporação do receituário pelos homens e pelas cozinhas de alguns ambientes sociais do período. Para tanto, foi necessário investigar o pensamento altomedieval sobre a comida, a disponibilidade e o acesso ambiental e cultural aos ingredientes apicianos e os mecanismos que possibilitaram estabelecer um locus para a sua incorporação. / The famous cookery book assigned to a Roman called Apicius (probably 1st century AD) and entitled De coquinaria by 19th century modern scholarship have come down to us only through three manuscripts dated from 8th and 9th centuries, two of them written at the monasteries of Fulda and Tours. Important aspect, although little discussed. The recipe book is normally associated to Imperial Roman cuisine than to medieval one. Assuming that the copy of apician manuscripts by men of the Early Middle Ages is anchored in the aspirations of the dynamic Carolingian Renaissance, this thesis examined the socio-cultural framework that explains the reproduction and the incorporation of the recipe book by men and by cuisines related to certain social environments of that time. For this purpose, it was necessary to investigate early medieval thought about food, environmental and cultural availability and access to apician ingredients and, finally, the mechanism that made possible to establish a locus for its incorporation.

Fondée à l’époque carolingienne et supprimée à l’aube de la Révolution française, l’abbaye de Savigny (Rhône) est restée longtemps ignorée des archéologues en raison de son niveau de destruction avancé. L’approche épistémologique des études saviniennes a d’abord révélé le potentiel archéologique du site, en soulignant toute la différence entre les publications officielles et les archives personnelles des savants. La confrontation des résultats de l’analyse des sources d’archives et de l’analyse des vestiges archéologiques a surtout permis de reconstituer l’histoire monumentale des édifices monastiques et de proposer des restitutions en plan du monastère, pour l’époque carolingienne, l’époque romane et la fin du Moyen Âge. De nouvelles conclusions peuvent désormais être proposées en rapport avec l’histoire savinienne. En adoptant vraisemblablement le plan standard des abbayes bénédictines dès sa création, dans le premier tiers du IXe siècle, l’abbaye témoigne d’abord de l’insertion rapide des idéaux carolingiens de vie communautaire dans le diocèse de Lyon. Elle subit ensuite de nombreux remaniements qui ne remettent pas en cause son organisation générale, mais qui adaptent les édifices existants aux exigences d’une liturgie nouvelle. La transformation de la deuxième église aboutit paradoxalement à la création d’une église mariale, à l’intersection de l’infirmerie et du cimetière, mais aussi d’une avant-nef. Ce faisant, elle répond à la fois à la multiplication des messes pour les défunts et à la ritualisation de l’accompagnement des mourants, qui reflètent les coutumes clunisiennes. Aussi faut-il envisager que l’abbaye de Savigny ait été réformée par l’abbaye de Cluny à la charnière du Xe et du XIe siècle, sans pour autant être intégrée à l’Ecclesia cluniacensis. / The abbey of Savigny (Rhône), founded during the Carolingian period and nearly destroyed at the dawn of the French Revolution, has long been ignored by archaeologists due to the extent of its destruction. The epistemological approach of the Savigny studies revealed at first the archaeological potential of this site, emphasizing important differences between the official publications and the personal archives of the scientists. Comparing the results of the analysis of both archival sources and archaeological remains enabled to reconstitute the monumental history of the monastic buildings and to suggest drawing reproductions of the monastery for the Carolingian period, the Romanesque period and the end of the Middle Ages. New lines of thinking can now be put forward with regard to Savigny history. Probably built to the standard plan of benedictin abbeys from its onset during the first third of the IXth century, the abbey mainly reflects the fast integration of the Carolingian values of community life in the diocese of Lyon. It then underwent several changes which do not challenge its general organization but help the existing buildings to adapt to the requirements of a new liturgy. The transformation of the second church paradoxically results in the creation of a marian church at the intersection of the infirmary and the cemetery and, in addition, of a front-nave. Consequently, it is both an answer to the growing number of funeral masses and to the rituals used to accompany the dying that reflect the Cluny traditions. We may then consider that the abbey of Savigny could have been reformed by the abbey of Cluny at the turning from the Xth to the XIth century without being integrated into the Ecclesia cluniacensis.

Le règne de Charles le Chauve fut une période de transformations politiques et idéologiques pour la royauté carolingienne. Les conflits de la marche de Bretagne et d’Espagne ainsi que les incursions externes sont les troubles ayant probablement le plus retenu l’attention des médiévistes. La prétendue quête émancipatrice des Armoricains ou encore les ambitions personnelles et familiales des magnats aristocratiques septimaniens et ibériques sont encore citées comme preuves de l’affaiblissement du pouvoir royal carolingien, suite au traité de Verdun de 843. En s’attardant sur les politiques de résolution de conflit du roi dans ces deux territoires, à priori hostiles à son pouvoir, ce mémoire veut établir si les tensions dans les marches étaient aussi complexes et insurmontables que les sources primaires le laissent entendre. En comparant les politiques de terrain visibles dans les actes royaux, nous remarquons que ces troubles n’étaient pas fondamentalement différents de ceux présents ailleurs dans le royaume. Les stratégies employées par le souverain montrent que la royauté détenait les moyens de venir à bout des obstacles à sa suprématie politique. Visiblement, ces dissidences ne semblent pas aussi particulières. Les enjeux politiques et économiques qu’elles impliquaient étaient, de toute évidence, à l’image des principales préoccupations politiques des rois carolingiens suite à la guerre civile de 840-843. Il importait d’argumenter leur légitimité divine ainsi que d’apparaître comme le seul choix politique. / Charles the Bald’s reign was a period of political and ideological transformations for the carolingian royalty. The troubles with the Breton and Spanish march along with the external raids are probably the sources of tension which have captured the most attention from medievalists. The so-called armorican emancipatory quest or the personal and familial ambitions of the septimanian and iberian magnates are still cited as evidences of the weakening of Carolingian political power following the 843 treaty of Verdun. By focusing on the king’s conflict resolution policies in these two territories, apparently hostile to his power, this study wants to establish wheter the tensions in the marches were as complex and irremediable as the primary sources suggested. By comparing the field policies visible in the royal charters, we noticed that theses troubles were not fundamentally different from those present elsewhere in the kingdom. The strategies employed by the king shows that the royalty had the means to overcome these obstacles and to affirm his political supremacy. Noticeably, these oppositions do not seem to be so particular. The political and economic issues that they were impliying were reflecting the main political concerns of the Carolingian kings following the 840-843 civil war. It was important to them to promote their divine legitimacy as well as appearing as the only political choice for the kingdom’s elites.

Théodulf d’Orléans (∼ 760 ?-821) est un évêque et un érudit de la Renaissance carolingienne qui participa activement aux réformes de son époque. Il laissa une abondante œuvre poétique en latin, composée d’environ soixante-dix poèmes pour un total d’environ quatre mille sept cents vers. La thèse en propose, dans le premier volume, une étude systématique qui suit l’ordre d’une collection médiévale connue grâce à l’editio princeps publiée en 1646 par J. Sirmond. Cette étude entend analyser les poèmes de Théodulf en les mettant en relation avec le contexte intellectuel, culturel et historique de la Renaissance carolingienne. Elle s’attache également à mettre à jour les sources patristiques de Théodulf. Partant des nombreux cas de paraphrases d'extraits d'Isidore de Séville, de Grégoire le Grand ou encore d'Augustin, elle s'efforced'en dégager les enjeux, non seulement exégétiques, théologiques ou encore ecclésiologiques, mais aussi poétiques. Le second volume contient une nouvelle édition critique des poèmes de Théodulf, fondée principalement sur l'editio princeps et sur une collation nouvelle d’une soixantaine de manuscrits. Cette édition est accompagnée de la première traductionintégrale en français des poèmes de Théodulf. Un triple étage de notes permet d'éclaircir certains passages, de relever les références scripturaires et d'indiquer les sources classiques et patristiques. Les annexes qui terminent le second volume ont pour but de faire le lien entre l'étude et les poèmes. La thèse, en associant étude, édition, traduction et annexes, s'efforce ainsi de rendre accessible une poésie subtile et complexe, qui illustre le caractère protéiforme de la Renaissance carolingienne. / Theodulf of Orléans (∼ 760 ?-821) was a bishop and scholar who, as part of the Carolingian Renaissance, actively engaged in the reforms of his time. He left a copious poetical oeuvre in Latin, comprising some seventy poems for an approximate total of four thousand and seven hundred lines. This thesis presents, in the first volume, a systematic study which follows the order of a medieval collection, known to us thanks to the editio princeps published in 1646 by J. Sirmond. This study aims at analysing Theodulf's poems by relating them with the intellectual, cultural and historical context of the Carolingian Renaissance. It also endeavours to bring to light Theodulf's patristic sources. Starting with the many paraphrases of extracts from Isidore of Seville, Gregory the Great or Augustine, it purposes to discover what is at stake in this practice, exegetically, theologically, ecclesiologically, but also poetically speaking. The second volume comprises a new critical edition of the poems, based for the main part on the editio princeps and on a new collation of some sixty manuscripts. This edition comes with the first complete translation of Theodulf's poems into French. Three layers of notes are used to clarify some passages, document the scriptural references and indicate the sources, classical as well as patristic. The appendices that close the second volume aim at establishing a link between the study and the poems. By associating study, edition, translation and appendices, the thesis endeavours to give a better access to a complex, subtle poetry, one that illustrates the protean quality of the Carolingian Renaissance.

Cette thèse porte sur l’iconographie de la Crucifixion dans les peintures murales carolingiennes entre le IXe et le début du XIe siècle. Pivot dans la pensée chrétienne par sa portée dogmatique, la Crucifixion reste cependant peu représentée dans l’Occident latin jusqu’au milieu du VIIIe siècle. La période carolingienne marque, de fait, un tournant décisif où la Crucifixion s’affiche progressivement sur tous les supports et à travers des techniques différentes, en même temps que l’iconographie tend à se cristalliser. Nous appuyant sur une documentation comptant treize décors peints entre le IXe et le début XIe siècle et répartis dans les anciennes limites de l’Empire carolingien et ses marges, notre étude vise à analyser ce thème dans l’art monumental, peu étudié jusqu’alors. Outre la persistance de formes au-delà de la chute de l’Empire et des frontières politiques, les peintures recensées mettent en évidence le recours à une construction visuelle tributaire de traditions diverses – en premier lieu textuelles – permettant d’exalter la divinité du Christ sur la croix, mais aussi d’insister davantage sur son humanité souffrante. Ces choix iconographiques font écho à l’orientation théologique qui se manifeste sous le règne de Charlemagne et de ses successeurs et au sein de laquelle la Croix et le Crucifié occupent une place majeure. Mais, bien plus que de réserver notre analyse au cadre de l’image, il s’agit également de dépasser le champ figuratif pour prendre en compte l’environnement spatial et cultuel de la Crucifixion, et ce, afin d’envisager les lectures de ce décor dans l’espace qui lui est imparti. En étant peinte sur la paroi de l’édifice religieux, la peinture fait partie non seulement du décorum de l’édifice cultuel, mais participe parfois également aux rites qu’elle encadre. Ainsi, à la lumière des sources exégétiques et liturgiques, il convient de replacer le décor dans la scénographie dans laquelle elle s’inscrit. Souvent associée à un autel (majeur ou secondaire), voire à des fonts baptismaux, la Crucifixion s’inscrit bien souvent dans des temps rituels spécifiques ou des pratiques dévotionnelles qui témoignent d’une transformation du sentiment religieux à l’égard de la Passion et de ses représentations. / This Dissertation focuses on the iconography of the Crucifixion in the Carolingian mural painting between the 9th and the beginning of the 11th century. Pivot in the Christian thought with its dogmatic scope, the Crucifixion remains however poorly represented in the Latin West until the middle of the 8th century. Actually, the Carolingian period is a decisive turning point when the Crucifixion displays gradually on all the supports and through different technics, at the same time as the iconography tends to be crystallized. Based on a documentation composed of thirteen decorations painted between the 9th and the beginning of the 11th century and distributed in the former limits of the Carolingian Empire and its margins, our study aims at analyzing this subject in the monumental art, poorly studied yet. Besides the obstinacy of forms beyond the fall of the Roman Empire and the political limits, the paintings listed highlight the appeal to a visual construction due to diverse traditions - first of all textual - allowing to exalt the Christ's divinity on the cross, but also to insist more on his suffering humanity. These iconographic choices comes from the theological shifting under the reign of Charlemagne and his successors. At this time, the Cross and the Crucified occupy a major place. However, this analysis exceeds the figurative meaning, in the way to consider the spatial and religious environment of the Crucifixion and clarify the readings of the decoration within its own space. Painted on the religious buildings’ walls, images are a part of the decorum. Moreover, based on exegetical and liturgical sources, we can argue that the paintings are sometimes used to the scenography of rites. Often associated with an altar (major or secondary), even in baptismal fonts, the Crucifixion seats in specific ritual times or devotional practices testifying of a transformation of the religious feeling towards the Passion and its representations.

Cette thèse porte sur deux spectacles : la Luta de Mouros e Cristãos (Prado, Bahia, Brésil) et Auto de Floripes (Santo Antonio, Île de Principe, Sao Tomé e Principe). Basées sur une thématique commune – la représentation des combats entre Maures et Chrétiens – les manifestations analysées sont traitées à partir de leurs éléments constitutifs : aspects historiques, texte, costumes, musique, performance et scénographie. Les deux spectacles ont non seulement comme origine commune le récit intitulé Histoire de l'empereur Charlemagne et les douze pairs de France, mais encore une empreinte culturelle provenant de la colonisation portugaise. Auto de Floripes et la Luta de Mouros e Cristãos présentent donc des aspects similaires comme, par exemple, l'opposition du Bien et du Mal, localisée respectivement dans les groupes chrétiens (representés pour la couleur bleu) et maures (rouge), ainsi que des spécificités historiques et esthétiques communes. La principale méthode utilisée pour analyser les deux spectacles a été la recherche de terrain. Cette dernière est constituée d'entretiens, d'un travail d'observation et d'évaluation des performances respectives, de l'établissement d'un registre d'images, suivie par des recherches bibliographiques et l'analyse de l'ensemble du matériel récolté. Le résultat de cette recherche de thèse propose réflexions et idées autour des questions propres aux arts du spectacle, à la transmission, au maintien et à l'actualisation des traditions carolingiennes. Elle révèle encore un aspect fondamental des deux spectacles. Les récits populaires qui se sont développés autour de Charlemagne ont tout d'abord eu une grande popularité sous forme écrite et orale. Aujourd'hui, les spectacles étudiés constituent leur principal espace de mémoire, et au Brésil et à Sao Tomé et Principe. / This thesis investigates two spectacles: “Luta de Mouros e Cristãos” (Prado, Bahia, Brazil) and “Auto de Floripes” (Santo António, Príncipe Island, São Tomé and Príncipe, Africa). Starting from a common theme – the representation of the battles between Moors and Christians – the analyses were most focused on elements of the plays such as history, text, costume, music, performance and scenography. As having the same origin, that is, the book entitled “History of the Emperor Charlesmagne and the Twelve Peers of France” as well as the cultural mark of the Portuguese colonization, both the “Auto de Floripes” and the “Luta de Mouros e Cristãos” present some similarities, for instance, the representation of the Good in opposition to the Evil, as seen in Christians dressed in blue and the Moors in red, besides other historical and aesthetic peculiarities. Field research was the most important method in analyzing both performances, which included interviews, observation, appreciation of the mise en scène and recording of images, followed by bibliographical research and analysis of the collected material. As a result, the thesis presents evidences and reflections on the performing arts and the transmission, permanence and actualization of Carolingian traditions. Still, the research has revealed that, after a wide popularity in both oral and written forms, the mise en scène appears today as the major place of memory of Carolingian narratives, in Brazil as well as in São Tomé and Príncipe.

Les institutions canoniales italiennes ont peu suscité l’attention de l’historiographie. Le royaume d’Italie offre pourtant un terrain d’étude propice des effets de la réforme carolingienne de 816, par les riches fonds d’archives des cathédrales et des grandes collégiales urbaines. Ils constituent la base de cette étude, consacrée à une histoire sociale des institutions canoniales, dans les villes du royaume d’Italie. L’enquête part de l’institutio canonicorum de 816, et démontre que les Carolingiens entendaient par canonicus tout clerc qui n’avait pas fait de vœux. La nouvelle norme de vie visait donc l’ensemble du clergé, redéfini en tant qu’ordo canonicorum. Elle en redéfinissait les missions, centrées sur l’office des heures, et instituait la vie en communauté comme forme de vie généralisée. Sont ensuite envisagées l’institution de communautés de clercs répondant à cette norme auprès des églises des cités épiscopales, l’évolution de leurs formes et ses conséquences sur l’organisation ecclésiastique générale, jusqu’au milieu du XIe siècle. Une deuxième partie explore la dimension sociale de ces institutions : le niveau social des chanoines, issus de l’élite locale ; leurs fonctions, au service de la cité ; le poids et le rôle économique des chapitres, qui font partie, à partir de la deuxième moitié du Xe siècle, des seigneurs qui dominent la cité et son territoire ; leur poids politique enfin, en accordant une attention particulière aux compétitions économiques et institutionnelles auxquelles se livrent les chanoines en tant que groupe, contre l’évêque, une institution ecclésiastique, ou un groupe d’acteurs concurrent. À l’horizon 1050, terme de l’étude, le chapitre cathédral apparaît comme la troisième force de la cité, après l’évêque et le comte. / No study has focused on the italian chapters of canons between the beginning of the 9th and the middle of the 11th century. And yet, the Kingdom of Italy offers richer funds to evaluate the effects of the carolingian reform of 816, than, for instance, Francia. This study is focused on the social aspects of the new institution and her forms in the italian episcopal cities. In a first section, it deals with the institutio canonicorum of 816, and demonstrates that the so-called Aachen rule was intended for the whole clergy, redifined by the legislator as ordo canonicorum, as opposed to the ordo monachorum, on the basis of their way and norm of life : the canons. The Carolingians intended to reshape the missions of the clergy, centered on the celebration of the canonical hours, and to generalyze the common life, as the best guarantee for the moral standard and the purity of the clergy. The investigation then centers on the establishment of the new institution in the Kingdom of Italy, and the evolution of the institutionnal aspects of urban chapters of canons from the 820’s to the 1050’s. In a second section, it focuses on the social dimension of the institutions, exploring the social composition of the group of canons, members of the local elite ; their fonctions within the local society ; the growing economical and political weight of the chapter. Close attention is paid to the economical and institutionnal competitions in which the canons, as a group, are involved against their bishop, another religious institution, or a group of lay competitors. In the 1050’s, term of the investigation, the cathedral chapter appears as the third force in the city, after the count and the bishop.

Submitted by Glauber Assunção Moreira (glauber.a.moreira@gmail.com) on 2018-09-04T16:23:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Alexandra Gouvea Dumas.pdf: 17795135 bytes, checksum: cfc09a9858d44d97d9ba487359e94bf4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ednaide Gondim Magalhães (ednaide@ufba.br) on 2018-09-11T13:18:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Alexandra Gouvea Dumas.pdf: 17795135 bytes, checksum: cfc09a9858d44d97d9ba487359e94bf4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-11T13:18:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE Alexandra Gouvea Dumas.pdf: 17795135 bytes, checksum: cfc09a9858d44d97d9ba487359e94bf4 (MD5) / Esta tese investiga dois espetáculos: a Luta de Mouros e Cristãos (Prado, Bahia, Brasil) e o Auto de Floripes (Santo António, Ilha do Príncipe, São Tomé e Príncipe). Partindo de temática comum − a representação de combates entre mouros e cristãos− os folguedos analisados receberam uma atenção voltada para seus elementos como: história, texto, figurino, música, performance e cenografia. Tendo uma mesma origem, o livro a História do Imperador Carlos Magno e dos doze pares de França e, como marca cultural a colonização portuguesa, tanto o Auto de Floripes como a Luta de Mouros e Cristãos apresentam similaridades, a exemplo da oposição Bem X Mal localizada nos cristãos (representados pela cor azul) e nos mouros (vermelho), respectivamente, assim como particularidades históricas e estéticas. Para a realização da análise dos espetáculos, a pesquisa de campo foi o principal método empregado, com realização de entrevistas, observação, apreciação das encenações e registro de imagens, seguido de pesquisas bibliográficas e análise do material coletado. Como resultado, a tese apresenta constatações e reflexões acerca das artes do espetáculo, da transmissão, permanência e atualização das tradições carolíngias. A pesquisa revelou ainda que, após grande popularidade nos formatos escrito e oral, a encenação se constitui, hoje, como o principal espaço de memória das narrativas carolíngias, seja no Brasil ou em São Tomé e Príncipe. / Cette thèse porte sur deux spectacles : la Luta de Mouros e Cristãos (Prado, Bahia, Brésil) et Auto de Floripes (Santo Antonio, Île de Principe, Sao Tomé e Principe). Basées sur une thématique commune – la représentation des combats entre Maures et Chrétiens – les manifestations analysées sont traitées à partir de leurs éléments constitutifs : aspects historiques, texte, costumes, musique, performance et scénographie. Les deux spectacles ont non seulement comme origine commune le récit intitulé Histoire de l'empereur Charlemagne et les douze pairs de France, mais encore une empreinte culturelle provenant de la colonisation portugaise. Auto de Floripes et la Luta de Mouros e Cristãos présentent donc des aspects similaires comme, par exemple, l'opposition du Bien et du Mal, localisée respectivement dans les groupes chrétiens (representés pour la couleur bleu) et maures (rouge), ainsi que des spécificités historiques et esthétiques communes. La principale méthode utilisée pour analyser les deux spectacles a été la recherche de terrain. Cette dernière est constituée d'entretiens, d'un travail d'observation et d'évaluation des performances respectives, de l'établissement d'un registre d'images, suivie par des recherches bibliographiques et l'analyse de l'ensemble du matériel récolté. Le résultat de cette recherche de thèse propose réflexions et idées autour des questions propres aux arts du spectacle, à la transmission, au maintien et à l'actualisation des traditions carolingiennes. Elle révèle encore un aspect fondamental des deux spectacles. Les récits populaires qui se sont développés autour de Charlemagne ont tout d'abord eu une grande popularité sous forme écrite et orale. Aujourd'hui, les spectacles étudiés constituent leur principal espace de mémoire, et au Brésil et à Sao Tomé et Principe. / This thesis investigates two spectacles: ―Luta de Mouros e Cristãos‖ (Prado, Bahia, Brazil) and ―Auto de Floripes‖ (Santo António, Príncipe Island, São Tomé and Príncipe, Africa). Starting from a common theme – the representation of the battles between Moors and Christians – the analyses were most focused on elements of the plays such as history, text, costume, music, performance and scenography. As having the same origin, that is, the book entitled ―History of the Emperor Charlesmagne and the Twelve Peers of France‖ as well as the cultural mark of the Portuguese colonization, both the ―Auto de Floripes‖ and the ―Luta de Mouros e Cristãos‖ present some similarities, for instance, the representation of the Good in opposition to the Evil, as seen in Christians dressed in blue and the Moors in red, besides other historical and aesthetic peculiarities. Field research was the most important method in analyzing both performances, which included interviews, observation, appreciation of the mise en scène and recording of images, followed by bibliographical research and analysis of the collected material. As a result, the thesis presents evidences and reflections on the performing arts and the transmission, permanence and actualization of Carolingian traditions. Still, the research has revealed that, after a wide popularity in both oral and written forms, the mise en scène appears today as the major place of memory of Carolingian narratives, in Brazil as well as in São Tomé and Príncipe.

This thesis focuses on Lombard Southern Italy during the early middle ages and it analyses the history of political and social conflicts between the eighth and ninth century, taking into account the transformation of Lombard political power and social practices in this area. Starting from the eight-century judicial sources, this work explores political and social competition in the Beneventan region by taking into account its geographical position at the center of the Mediterranean see. Southern Italy was considered as a periphery, and sometimes as a frontier, by both the Carolingian and Byzantine empires, and endured almost a century of Muslims' attempts to conquer the peninsula. The first chapter focuses on the ducal period and investigates the formation and consolidation of the duke of Benevento's political authority before 774. During the seventh and eight centuries, the dukes developed a military and political autonomy in Southern Italy. This was due to the geographical position of the Duchy of Benevento in the Lombard Kingdom: it was far from Pavia, the king's capital city, and it was relatively isolated from other Lombard territories. Since a dynasty was established here as early as the seventh century, these dukes developed a strong and precocious political consciousness. As a result, they were particularly concerned with the formal representation of their authority, which is early attested in both coinage and diplomas. In this chapter, the analysis of the eight-century judicial records opens two important perspectives on the duke of Benevento's practices of power. Firstly, judicial assemblies were one of the most important occasions for the duke to demonstrate and exercise his authority in a public context. In contrast to all other Lombard dukes, who rendered judgement together with a group of officers, the duke of Benevento acted alone before the competing parties. By behaving exactly as the Lombard king would in Pavia, the duke was able to utilise the judicial domain as a sort of theatre in which to practice, legitimise and represent his own public authority in front of the local aristocracy. Secondly, the analysis of seven judicial case-studies suggests that the duke was not simply the sole political authority in Benevento but also the leading social agent in the whole Lombard southern Italy. Almost all the disputes transmitted by the twelfth-century cartularies implied a ducal action, donation or decision in the past, which became the main cause for later conflicts between the members of the lay élite and the monastic foundations of the region. Consequently, the analysis of judicial conflicts reveals more about the duke of Benevento's strategies and practices of power than about the lay and ecclesiastical élites' competition for power. Since there are no judicial records between 774 and the last decade of the ninth century, both conflicts and representations of authority in Lombard Southern Italy are analysed through other kinds of sources for this period. Chronicles, hagiographies, diplomas, and material sources are rich in clues about political and social competition in Benevento. By contrast, the late-ninth-century judicial records transmitted by cartularies and archives are quite different from the eighth-century documents: they have a bare and simple structure, which often hides the peculiarities of the single dispute by telling only the essentials of each conflict and a concise final judgement. In contrast to the sources of the ducal period, the ninth- and tenth-century judicial records often convey a flattened image of Lombard society. Their basic structure certainly prevents a focus on the representation of authority and the practices of power in southern Italy. On the contrary, these fields of inquiry are crucial to research both competition within the Beneventan aristocracy during the ninth century, and the relationship between Lombards and Carolingian after 774. After the fall of the Lombard Kingdom in 774, Charlemagne did not complete the military conquest of the Italian peninsula: the Duchy of Benevento was left under the control of Arechis (758-787), who proclaimed himself princeps gentis Langobardorum and continued to rule mostly independently. The confrontation and competition with the Frankish empire are key to understanding both the strengthening of Lombard identity in southern Italy and the formation of a princely political authority. The second account the historiography on the Regnum Italiae, the third section of this chapter focuses precisely on the ambitions of Louis II in Southern Italy and it analyses the implication that the projection of his rulership over this area had in shaping his imperial authority. Despite Louis II's efforts to control the Lombard principalities, his military and political experience soon revealed its limits. After the conquest of Bari in 871, Prince Adelchi imprisoned the emperor in his palace until he obtained a promise: Louis II swore not to return to Benevento anymore. Although the pope soon liberated the emperor from this oath, he never regained a political role in Southern Italy. Nevertheless, his prolonged presence in the region during the ninth century radically changed the political equilibrium of both the Lombard principalities and the Tyrrhenian duchies (i.e. Napoli, Gaeta, Amalfi). The fourth section focuses firstly on the competition between Louis II and Adelchi of Benevento, who obstinately defined his public authority in a direct competition with the Carolingian emperor. At the same time, the competition within the local aristocracy in Benevento radically changed into a small-scale struggle between the members of Adelchi's kingroup, the Radelchids. At the same time, some local officers expanded their power and acted more and more autonomously in their district, such as in Capua. When Louis II left Benevento in 871, both the Tyrrhenian duchies and the Lombard principalities in Southern Italy were profoundly affected by a sudden change in their mutual relations and even in their inner stability. The competition for power and authority in Salerno and Capua-Benevento also changed and two different political systems were gradually established in these principalities. Despite the radical transformation of internal competition and the Byzantine conquest of a large part of Puglia and Basilicata at the end of the ninth century, the Lombard principalities remained independent until the eleventh century, when Southern Italy was finally seized by Norman invaders.

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