Darbo tikslas - išskirti pagrindinius dailės cenzorių veiklos metodus t.y. didžiausias dailininkų "nuodėmes" sistemai. Apžvelgti asmenybes, tiesiogiai cenzūravusias dailės kūrinius, trumpai aptarti kodėl nebuvo didesnio pasipriešinimo ideologiniam spaudimui ir koks santykis su cenzoriais buvo Baltijos valstybėse (pavyzdžiu paimta Estija). Taip pat išskirti pagrindiniai cenzorių "apžaidimo" metodai. Darbas suskirstytas į 6 skyrius: 1. Įžanga 2. Cenzoriai ir jų veiklos metodai 3. "Nuodėmių" tipologija 4. Cenzorių apžaidimo metodai 5. Išeivijos dailininkai ir jų ryšiai su sovietų Lietuva. 6. Išvados. Dėstymo pradžioje pateikiama bendra situacija 7' dešimtmečio pradžioje, prisimenamas Kisarauskų atvejis (dėl to ir darbo pradžios data yra simbolinė, žyminti 1960m. pradėtą puolimą prieš V.Kisarauską). Toliau aprašomi asmenys, cenzūravę dailės kūrinius. Į šią kategoriją patenka ir už dailės parodų politiką atsakingi asmenys pvz:. Pranas Gudynas ir aukštuose postuose buvę funkcionieriai pvz:. Genrikas Zimanas. Toliau aiškinamasi, kokias pagrindines "nuodėmes" darydavo dailininkai. Išskirti 6 pagrindiniai nusižengimai : 1. Abstrakcionizmas / Formalizmas 2. Religiniai motyvai 3. Neveiksnumas (nepageidaujamas pasyvumas) 4. Žanrų hierarchijos nepaisymas 5.Nesaikingas deformavimas 6. "Neteisingas" partijos narių vaizdavimas. Besiaiškinant pagrindinius "nukrypimus" analizuojama ir socrealizmo sąvoka, padaromas trumpas ekskursas į Estijos dailininkų situaciją sovietmečiu, aiškinamasi, ar... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The goal of my thesis - to emphasise the main methods of art censorship, for instance the biggest "sins" of the greatest artist for the system. Furthermore ,to overlook personalities directly responsable for art cenzorship and to discuss why there were no bigger resistance for ideological pressure and what kind of relation was there with the censors in the Baltic states ( e. c. Estonia). Here i also distinguish the main overcoming methods used by censors. The thesis is divided into six chapters: 1. Introduction. 2. Censors and their action methods. 3. Typology of "sins"/ Features of censorship. 4. Censors' overcoming methods. 5. Emigration and its connections with abroad 6 .Conclusion. Main body of the thesis starts with overlooking the general situation in the early 70's and the case of Kisarauskai ( 1960 date is symbolic due to the beginning of confrontation between Kisarauskas and the government ). Then the censors are described. People responsible for the exhibitions' policy , for instance, Pranas Gudynas and those in high government positions , like Genrikas Zimanas, are also included in this category. Later the main "sins" of the artists' are being overlooked. Six major "faults" are emphasised : 1. Abstractionism / Formalism 2. Religious motifs. 3. Social parasitism 4. Disregarding hierarchy of genres. 5. Imoderate deformation. 6. "Wrong" depiction of party members. While inrpreting the main "deviations" the concept of socialrealism is being discussed, a short... [to full text]

Cette thèse vise à dévoiler les obstacles à une libre circulation de l’information au Liban, un pays longtemps considéré comme une île de liberté par rapport à son entourage. Dans ce contexte, le confessionnalisme constitue l’obstacle le plus solide et le plus dangereux non seulement à la libre circulation de l’information au Liban, mais également à la construction d’un pays au vrai sens du terme. A côté du confessionnalisme, les obstacles à une libre circulation de l’information au Liban sont nombreux. Tout d’abord, les textes législatifs où nous trouvons de nombreuses limitations à la liberté d’expression dans la presse écrite et également dans l’audiovisuel, puis une jurisprudence qui ne met pas en avant le concept sacré de la liberté d’expression, une forte censure par l’Etat, et une autocensure dans un contexte de violence. La géopolitique du Liban n’aide pas non plus, d’un côté Israël un pays en état de guerre avec le Liban ou dans les meilleurs des cas en état de cessez le feu. Et de l’autre, la Syrie, un pays qui a toujours considéré le Liban comme l’un de ses départements. A cela s’ajoute une histoire sanglante d’un petit pays qui peu après son indépendance du mandat français tombe dans une guerre civile qui détruit ses institutions et met en question la légitimité de l’existence même de cet état nouveau et la possibilité d’une vraie coexistence entre ses dix-huit communautés. Cette guerre risque de se déclencher à nouveau même vingt ans après l’accord de Taëf qui était censé instaurer la paix dans le pays. / This thesis aims to uncover the barriers to the free circulation of information in Lebanon, a country long considered an island of freedom in relation to its surroundings. In this context, sectarianism is considered the greatest and most dangerous obstacle, not only to the free flow of information, but equally to the building of a country in the true sense of the term. In addition to sectarianism, the obstacles for the free circulation of information in Lebanon are numerous. These include legislative texts that place many restrictions on freedom of expression on the press and audiovisual media, a jurisprudence that does not advance the concept of freedom of expression, a strong censorship from the state, and the self censorship of the press in an environment of violence. The geopolitics of Lebanon does not help either. On the one side, it is bordered by Israel, a country at war with Lebanon or in the best cases, in a state of ceasefire. On the other side, it is bordered by Syria, a country that has always considered Lebanon as one of its territories. Added to this is a bloody history of a small country that shortly after independence from the French mandate, falls into a civil war that destroyed its institutions and called into question the legitimacy its existence. It also called into question the possibility of a true coexistence between its eighteen religious sects. This war may be triggered again even twenty years after the Taif Agreement that was supposed to bring peace to the country.

This thesis called "Americana. American Myth in the Italian Interwar Literature" describes and analyses the anthology of American literature Americana that was prepared in 1940 by Italian writer and translator Elio Vittorini. It also focuses on the impact of fascist rhetoric and ideology on Italian interwar literature and official approach of fascist Italy to the USA. The initial part describes life and work of Elio Vittorini, mentioning also the influences that inspired him in his work and his motivations to compile the whole anthology. The next chapter of this part briefly presents other translators who contributed to Americana. The middle part of the thesis describes formation of the fascist regime in Italy and its impact on the Italian culture, focusing mainly on journalism and literature. It describes not only the creation of censorship itself but also paradoxes that went together. In the end of this part we can read about the struggle of Elio Vittorini and Bompiani Publishing House to publish Americana. The core of this thesis, however, is an analysis of both versions of Americana, the original version of Elio Vittorini as well as the censored version with the foreword by Emilio Cecchi. The beginning of this part outlines the birth of the American myth in Italian literature itself and then the...

En 1972, lorsqu’apparaît la revue satirique Hermano Lobo, l’Espagne est régie par une dictature depuis presque quarante ans. A cette époque, la presse est surveillée, et bien que la censure ait été assouplie depuis l’instauration de la loi Fraga en 1966, les journalistes ne peuvent pas s’exprimer librement. La presse satirique a toujours été liée au régime et à la politique des pays dans lesquels elle était publiée. Sa volonté et son objectif de dénoncer les travers politiques et sociaux dépendaient alors des lois en vigueur. De la plus libérale à la plus restrictive, ces lois ont conduit les journalistes à adopter un langage détourné. Hermano Lobo représente cette tradition du non-dit et de l’évocation métaphorique ; elle utilise tout type de recours afin de dénoncer la politique du franquisme tardif et son anachronisme au sein d’une Europe Communautaire dont elle est exclue. Grâce aux codes langagiers, les journalistes montrent que l’immobilisme de la dictature ne correspond plus à une société en pleine mutation. Mais au-delà de la dénonciation politique, Hermano Lobo veut aussi régénérer la presse humoristique espagnole. Entre tradition et modernité, les créateurs de la revue veulent faire un journal où le graphisme aura une place prépondérante, où la simplicité et l’attractivité répondront à un contexte morose dans l’attente d’une rupture politique. La revue évolue pourtant vers une tonalité moins enjouée face à la lenteur du processus démocratique, et disparaît en juin 1976. Pendant quatre ans, elle aura lutté contre une dictature qui bafouait les libertés, et s’éteindra paradoxalement à la veille de la Loi pour la Réforme politique instaurée par Adolfo Suárez. / When the satirical magazine Hermano Lobo was released in 1972, Spain had been ruled by a dictatorship for almost forty years. At the time the press was under close surveillance and although the censorship had been relaxed since the establishment of the Fraga law in 1966, journalists had no freedom of speech. The satirical press had always had strong links with the governments and the policies of the countries where it was published. Its will and its purpose to denounce the political and social failings depended upon the current laws at the time. From the most liberal to the most restrictive, these laws have led the reporters to adopt a roundabout language in order to communicate with their readers. Hermano Lobo represented this tradition of the unsaid and of the metaphorical evocation. Thus, as a satirical magazine published under a totalitarian government. Hermano Lobo resorted to every kind of stylistic, rhetorical or thematic methods to denounce the policy of late Francoism and its anachronism within a European community that excluded it. Thanks to the linguistic codes they set up, the journalists could show then that the immobilism of the dictatorship could not match with a society undergoing massive changes any more. But, beyond political accusation and questioning inspired by the philosophy on Enlightenment, Hermano Lobo also aimed at intent to restoring the humorous Spanish press. Torn between tradition and modernity, the founders of the magazine wanted to make a newspaper in which illustrations would play a prominent part, where simplicity and attractiveness would echoe a sluggish environment that was hoping for a political change.

Thesis advisor: Christina Klein / The cultural face of modern China is constantly changing, whether through economic reforms, political campaigns, or social values. The ultimate inheritors and current carriers of this society in flux is the current post socialist, post 1989 youth generation. This paper examines the cultural changes that are occurring in China through six documentary films made in the 21st century that focus on youth and young adults as the representatives of the issues that the directors explore. In two films, the issue of the Single Child Policy will be examined in terms of the social repercussions the policy has created for modern youth, including gender, ethnic, and class inequalities. In the next two films, the economic conditions that have produced millions of migrant examined as it relates to the changing family values in much of China. The last two films explore the consumer culture of today’s modern youth, and how this culture impacts the expressive output of this generation. I conclude through these films that although the youth of today have been irrevocably shaped by these, and other, cultural changes that have occurred during their lifetime, they are still most fundamentally influenced by the traditional values of Chinese culture including relationships, family, and collective expression. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2012. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: International Studies Honors Program. / Discipline: International Studies.

Thesis advisor: Robert K. O'Neill / World War II is regarded as the modern war in which it is easiest to make moral judgments about right and wrong. How could Ireland – a nation more closely tied to its religion than almost any other – have remained on the sidelines while Europe was torn apart in a bloody struggle to save democracy? This paper examines the ways in which the charismatic and savvy leadership of prime minister Eamon de Valera, a man of both pragmatism and principle, the strict war-time censorship which was imposed on the media (specifically the country's proudest, and most pro-British, newspaper, the Irish Times), and the lenses through which the people viewed the war – most notably, that of their Catholic faith – combined to make neutrality a policy which was not just accepted but embraced as a defining step for Ireland as a nation. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2005. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

The study adopts Uses and Gratifications (U&G) theory as the framework to test antecedents and consequences in using fanqiang (bypassing Internet censorship) as an alternative medium along with accessible Internet, TV, newspaper and radio as mainstream media in a Chinese context. By online between-group experimentation (N = 132 in the experimental group, N = 127 in the control group), the study shows that curiosity about forbidden political content and political apathy predict fanqiang and most accessible media use tendencies. Moderation effects exist between curiosity and self-efficacy in predicting fanqiang tendencies. Disappointment as an emotional effect is directly related to curiosity and political apathy, where the mediation effects of media use tendencies are not salient. Explicit Internet censorship increases curiosity about forbidden political content and decreases the dimension of lack of interest in political apathy. However, it does not change accessible media use tendencies and disappointment levels. Still, participants show fewer of fanqiang tendencies than with accessible media, except radio. The results highlight the cognitive roots of motivations and emotional constructs as a part of gratification in U&G research, that self-efficacy as a necessary requirement for curiosity to drive media use, and that information attributes can change motivations. We urge future scholars to build broader explications of political apathy when applied to different societies, to try diverse methods like experimentation in U&G research, and to adopt a sociopsychological approach when studying the influences and effectiveness of Internet censorship.

Student Number : 9208006A - PhD thesis - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / The term ‘ducktail’ was originally used to denote a hairstyle. In the Post World War Two period, ‘Ducktail’ became associated with a rebellious white youth gang subculture, which rose to prominence in the major urban centres throughout South Africa. Societal responses to the subculture’s identity resulted in the generation of a moral panic which demonised the movement branding it as – amongst other things – the ‘eendstert euwel’ [ducktail evil]. The major aim of this thesis is to account for the way in which members of the subculture constructed and practised their class, racial, ethnic, gendered and generational identities whilst highlighting how society responded to them. The relationship of conformity, conflict and control that emerged between the ducktails and more conventional members of society such as the authorities and academics is plotted. This relationship sets the context for the final part of the dissertation, which explores the moral guardians and rule creators that became involved in the designing of youth policies. Particular attention will be given to how the ‘problem of youth’ brought religion, working mothers, morality, the state of the nation and the preservation of white supremacy under question. In this process, the National Party government formulated policies to monitor, shape and construct an appropriate form of South African whiteness.

Ce travail de recherche examine le style en traduction à travers le prisme de la métaphore corporelle dans le roman censuré The Rainbow (1915) de D.H. Lawrence et ses deux traductions françaises par Albine Loisy (1939) et Jacqueline Gouirand-Rousselon (2002). Notre réflexion s’inscrit dans la traductologie de corpus et adopte une approche descriptive grâce à une analyse qualitative et quantitative. Nous avons articulé notre travail autour de trois parties : en parcourant différents cadres théoriques allant d’Aristote jusqu’aux études plus récentes, nous avons tenté d’explorer la question relative à la nature de la métaphore et à ses fonctions. Cette première étape a confirmé notre point de vue selon lequel la métaphore est un support qui agence la pensée pour traduire une représentation particulière du monde. La métaphore est en effet un outil de communication redoutable. Nous avons, par la suite, exploré la notion de style en traductologie afin de tisser un lien entre la métaphore et le style dans l’écriture lawrencienne. Métaphoriser et traduire sont deux processus sensiblement proches qui tournent autour d’un point commun, celui du mouvement. L’analyse détaillée des 35 exemples extraits de The Rainbow et de leurs traductions en français nous a permis de détecter les convergences et les divergences au niveau du style et des représentations métaphoriques du corps. L’emploi récurrent de la métaphore chez Lawrence n’est pas anodin. Il s’agit d’un moyen pour conceptualiser la philosophie de l’auteur. Les traductrices ont dû surmonter au moins deux défis : préserver la charge métaphorique et opter pour un style qui reflète la complexité de l’écriture lawrencienne, tout en respectant les normes stylistiques de la langue française. Les écarts constatés au niveau des traductions ouvrent la voie à des interprétations qui pourraient prendre forme grâce à de futures retraductions. / The aim of this research, which draws on a descriptive approach to translation and uses a corpus-based methodology, is to explore D.H. Lawrence’s style through his use of body-related metaphors. I will focus on their stylistic particularities in order to examine the manner in which body metaphors were translated into French. The main argument of my study is that Lawrence’s metaphors are a relevant tool to highlight his vision of human relationship. This thesis falls into three parts: first of all, I explore different theoretical frameworks from Aristotle to more recent studies, notably those carried out by Lakoff and Johnson. This step confirms that metaphors are a relevant tool of communication that organises one’s thought in order to create a specific representation in a given situation. Secondly, in order to weave a link between metaphors and Lawrence’s writing in The Rainbow, I examine style in Translation Studies and beyond. Metaphorising and translating are two closely related processes that revolve around a common aspect, movement. Thirdly, I conduct a qualitative and quantitative analysis of 35 excerpts from the censored and the unabridged edition of The Rainbow (1915) with their French translations by Albine Loisy (1939) and Jacqueline Gouirand-Rousselon (2002) in order to highlight convergences and divergences in the style and metaphorical representations of the body. The recurring use of metaphor in The Rainbow is a means of conceptualising Lawrence’s vision of the world. Both translators had to overcome at least two challenges: to preserve the metaphorical images and to opt for a style that reflects the complexity of the Lawrencian writing, while respecting the stylistic norms of the French language. Differences in translations pave the way for new interpretations that could take shape through future retranslations.

The Swedish educational system is based on policies such as school law, education act, regulations and the curriculum. These governing documents state that the education should be based on scientific basis and proven experience. However, a lack of education with terms such as non-objective and value free, there is room for interpretation and variety of views. There is a media debate in which different opinions are being expressed whether the teacher should remain objective or not while teaching. A topic such as social science, is interesting to research within political objectivity. How teachers perceive their professional role, maintain balance between objectivity, freedom of expression, and carefor the school’s value. Thanks to interviews with teachers at various upper secondary schools, the essay shares an insight of the teachers’ perceptions. A questionnaire survey was used to help compare how students’ perceive their teachers’ objectivity. This wasused to investigate how and if the teachers’ interpretation of the policies corresponds toreality. The interviews provided a clear consensus that the teachers consider objectivity to be self- evident in discussions of Swedish politics. However, if students’ express opinions which are not in line with the values of the Swedish school-system the teachers believe that they hold a key-role in providing moral guidance which the swedish school system provides and shield. Furthermore there is also a clear consensus in the interpretation of the teachers profession which inherently contains a zero-tolerance policy towards racism and expressions that claim people to be of different values. At the same time as the students’ education is a tool for them to be a part of the democratic system, the students should at all times be given two perspectives in the same field for their ability to create their own views and values.