This study examines the political career of Maurice Edwin "Moon" Landrieu from his election to the Louisiana legislature in 1960 to the end of his first term as mayor of New Orleans in 1974. Landrieu was a white southern liberal who vigorously supported the agenda of the civil rights movement. He succeeded in building an unprecedented coalition between liberal, middle-class whites and a large segment of the black community. As the 1970s unfolded, however, he found his coalition increasingly threatened not just by disgruntled white conservatives, which might be expected, but also by angry black radicals of the Black Panther Party. This study argues that Landrieu's firm commitment to opening up political and economic opportunity to all citizens enabled him to keep his progressive, biracial coalition together and to help pave the way for the 1978 election of Ernest "Dutch" Morial, the first black mayor of New Orleans.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2019-03-19T12:31:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Thomas Augusto Ferreira de Almeida.pdf: 1309103 bytes, checksum: 4d7dffcaa81fb86c4056d9a1a60e7466 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-19T12:31:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thomas Augusto Ferreira de Almeida.pdf: 1309103 bytes, checksum: 4d7dffcaa81fb86c4056d9a1a60e7466 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2019-02-19 / One of the dimensions of the existing asymmetry in Brazilian federalism concerns the parliamentary material immunity embodied in the freedom to express opinions and criticisms in the exercise of the parliamentary function. In view of the peculiar stature of federated entity attributed to the municipalities in the Federal Constitution of 1988, it is questioned whether its parliamentarians should have identical or less guarantees in relation to those of the parliamentarians of other federated entities. In other words, despite the similar nature of the exercise of parliamentary activity, one wonders whether the asymmetry of structures, powers and functions of the federated entities would imply a difference of content in parliamentary material immunity. For this investigation it is essential to analyze the jurisprudence of the Federal Supreme Court of Brazil in view of the jurisprudential nature of the principle of symmetry, guiding the organization of state entities based on an interpretation of the applicability of the federal model to other federative entities. We will argue that the city councilor's material immunity is symmetrical in Brazilian federalism, even though the constitutional text apparently points to a differentiation, proposing at the end of the thesis a method to identify the parliamentary speech immunized / Uma das dimensões da assimetria existente no federalismo brasileiro diz respeito à imunidade material parlamentar consubstanciada na liberdade de expressar opiniões e críticas no exercício da função parlamentar. Diante da peculiar estatura de ente federado atribuída aos Municípios inovadoramente na Constituição Federal de 1988, questiona-se se os seus parlamentares devem ter garantias idênticas ou menos abrangentes em relação às dos parlamentares dos demais entes federados. Em outras palavras, apesar da natureza semelhante do exercício da atividade parlamentar, pergunta-se se a assimetria de estruturas, competências e funções dos entes federados implicaria em uma diferença de conteúdo na imunidade material parlamentar. Para esta investigação mostra-se essencial a análise da jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal tendo em vista a natureza jurisprudencial do princípio da simetria, norteador da organização dos entes estatais a partir de uma interpretação da aplicabilidade do modelo federal aos demais entes federativos. Sustentaremos que a imunidade material do vereador é simétrica no federalismo brasileiro, ainda que o texto constitucional aparentemente aponte uma diferenciação, propondo ao final um método de identificação do discurso parlamentar imune

Submitted by Eunice Novais (enovais@uepg.br) on 2018-03-08T12:41:09Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) JULIANO EUGENIO DA SILVA.pdf: 1495919 bytes, checksum: 835824daab7aac74078eaadc83d8dfd0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-08T12:41:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) JULIANO EUGENIO DA SILVA.pdf: 1495919 bytes, checksum: 835824daab7aac74078eaadc83d8dfd0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-04 / Esta pesquisa tem por objeto a atuação de políticos pentecostais e neopentecostais na Câmara Municipal de Curitiba nos anos de 1989 a 2016. O objetivo é explanar e compreender as práticas e representações dos pentecostais e neopentecostais acerca da política pública em uma Câmara Municipal. Utiliza como escopo teórico e metodológico aportes ligados à Nova História Cultural, principalmente os conceitos de práticas e representações. Dialoga também com a teoria dos campos sociais de Pierre Bourdieu. A problemática discutida se encontra nas interações, tensões, aproximações e ingerências entre os campos religioso e político dentro de um Estado (pretensamente) laico. Ademais, a representação política de setores religiosos em um ambiente e discussão laicos. As fontes consultadas vão desde a documentação constante nos processos legislativos, matérias jornalísticas, livros biográficos e entrevistas. O primeiro capítulo visa contextualizar a chegada e desenvolvimento do pentecostalismo no Brasil e sua relação com a sociedade como um todo. A segunda parte analisa a atuação de vereadores pentecostais e neopentecostais na Câmara Municipal de Curitiba no referido período. Por fim, a terceira parte analisa a atuação destes atores em um assunto específico: a discussão relacionada à temática dos gêneros, principalmente naquilo que em seu discurso ficou conhecido como a Ideologia de Gênero. / This research has as object the acting of pentecostals and neopentecostals politicians in the City Council of Curitiba in the years of 1989 to 2016. The objective is explain and comprehend the practices and representations of pentecostals and neopentecostals concerning public politics in a City Council. It uses as a theoretic and methodological scope ideas connected with New Cultural History, mostly the concepts of practices and representations. It dialogues also with the social fields theory of Pierre Bourdieu. The discussion dealing with the interactions, tensions, approximations and interferences between the religious and political fields inside an (pretence) laic State. Furthermore, the political representation of religious people in an laic ambient and discussion. Some historical sources are documentation constant in the legislative processes, journalistic materials, biographic books and interviews. The first chapter aims to contextualize the arrival and development of pentecostalism in Brazil and its relationship with the society. The second part analyses the performance of pentecostal and neopentecostal councilmen in the City Hall of Curitiba in the referred period.Finally, the third part analyses the performance of this actors in a specific subject: the discussion related to the gender thematic, mainly in what in his discourse became known as the Gender Ideology.

本研究擬以博奕理論為主要研究架構,藉由個案研究分析,希望達成以下之目的:(1)探對台北市議會在三黨不過半的議會政治生態下,各政黨之間合縱連橫之運作情形及其影響,並試圖尋求影響三黨互動關係的因素。(2)了解政黨在議會立法過程中所處的地位、所扮演的角色及所發揮的功能。整個研究範圍則限於第七屆議會第一會期內85年度總預算的審查。全文共分六章,茲概述如下: 第一章緒論:說明研究動機與目的、研究範圍與方法以及研究限制。 第二章理論基礎與文獻探討:介紹博奕理論基本概念,並對相關研究文獻予以探討。 第三章現行台北市議會內的政黨政治:首先介紹市議會內的政黨組織,再進一步了解議會立法過程中的政黨運作,最後論及影響政黨互動關係的因素。 第四章及第五章部份:藉由「敬老津貼」及「教師節敬師金」兩項個案的分析,窺 探台北市議會內三黨合縱連橫的過程。 第六章結論:敘述研究發現並提出評議。

Die Einführung der Städteordnung 1808 wird den preußischen Reformern unter Stein und Hardenberg als wichtiger Schritt zur städtischen Selbstverwaltung zugerechnet. Die Bedeutung der Städteordnung ist in der Wissenschaft und Praxis unbestritten. Sie gilt als die erste Konstituierung des modernen Gemeindeverfassungsrechts. Mit der Schaffung der Stadtverordnetenversammlung und der damit verbundenen Einführung des freien Mandats der Mitglieder trug sie die Merkmale des ersten modernen „Parlaments“ in Deutschland. Die Stein’sche Städteordnung gewährte der Stadtverordnetenversammlung ein hohes Maß an Autonomie, insbesondere Budget- und Steuerbewilligungsrecht, ohne an staatliche Gesetzesnormen gebunden zu sein. Auch in Potsdam wurde im Zuge der preußischen Reformen im März 1809 erstmals eine Stadtverordnetenversammlung gewählt. Das 200jährige Jubiläum war für Wissenschaftler und Experten aus Politik und Verwaltung Anlass, verfassungsrechtliche Grundlagen, Entscheidungskompetenzen, Aufgaben und Strategien der Stadtverordnetenversammlung im Wandel der Zeit zu diskutieren.

The theses called Volby do městské rady v Soběslavi v první polovině 18. století is daeling with a city administration in Soběslav of schwarzenberg nobility in the first half of 18th century. In the first part of my theses I introduce a form of the city administration with an emphasis on its most important institutions as a city council, a group of municipal older and a reeve. In the next chapter I describe a way of a councillor election, a group of municipal older election and a reeve election in which the city community participated. I use unique survived lists originated from elections that registered votes. In the third part of my theses I focus on a ceremony of ending activity of city institutions and replacing free places with successors. The Master theses comes from sources placed in the city archive Tábor in the fund of Archive of the city Soběslav and in the archive Třeboň in the fund of Large estate Třeboň.

A pesquisa enfoca a contribuição da Câmara Municipal na formulação de políticas públicas de educação no município de Porto Alegre, no período de 2001 a 2008, que abrange o último governo da coligação liderada pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e o primeiro governo da coligação liderada pelo Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (PMDB). O processo da produção legal é analisado com apoio na abordagem do ciclo de políticas públicas, considerando três etapas: a justificação do problema, a agenda governamental e a tomada de decisão. O foco da análise recai sobre o teor dos projetos de lei, com a descrição das preferências dos vereadores em relação aos temas educacionais e das intervenções de atores diretos e indiretos nos processos de tramitação. Além disso, o estudo mostra como os atores usam os recursos disponíveis para afetar o processo de tramitação de proposições na esfera legislativa. Foram observadas semelhanças e diferenças na produção legislativa de cada legislatura, com base na elaboração de categorizações de temas, de justificativas e de argumentos, o que permitiu também reconstruir o movimento textual sofrido pelas disposições normativas sobre educação. A análise evidencia dissensos entre os atores no que diz respeito às propostas de lei e às estratégias de obstaculização impostas pelos diversos atores aos projetos. Discute também a função simbólica de parte das proposições legislativas no campo educacional e a contribuição do legislador no campo das condições da oferta educacional por meio da edição dos pedidos de providência. O debate sobre as competências do Legislativo local no campo educacional, delimitadas pelo ordenamento legal nacional e municipal, é central para problematizar a contribuição do Legislativo no campo de formulação de políticas públicas de educação, já que os vereadores sofrem limitações em seu poder de legislar nesse campo, decorrentes da relação com o Poder Executivo. O trabalho sugere a adoção de uma política colaborativa no jogo político, capaz de superar a luta partidária, bem como uma reforma da Lei Orgânica no que se refere às competências legislativas no campo educacional. Há um potencial represado de contribuição do Legislativo no ordenamento legal da educação, em função das proposições em condições de entrar na pauta que se encontram arquivadas, razão pela qual são sugeridas providências a tomar por parte das lideranças políticas com a finalidade de otimizar a produção legislativa. / The research focuses on the contribution of the City Council in the formulation of public policies for education in the city of Porto Alegre, from 2001 to 2008, covering the last government coalition led by the Workers Party (PT) and the first coalition government led by Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB). The process of legal production is analyzed based in the policy cycle approach, considering three stages: the justification of the problem, the government agenda and the decision making. The focus is on the bills‟ content, with the description of councilors‟ preferences related to educational issues and interventions of direct and indirect actors in the reviewing processes. Furthermore, the study shows how actors use available resources to affect the reviewing process of proposals in the legislative scope. Similarities and differences were observed in the legislative production of each legislature, based on the elaboration of theme categorizations, justifications and allegations, which also led to reconstruct the textual movement sustained by normative provisions on education. The analysis highlights disagreements among actors regarding to the bills and the hinder strategies imposed by various actors to projects. It also discusses the symbolic function of part of legislative proposals in the educational field and the contribution of councilmen in the conditions of educational offer by editing providences requests. The debate over the jurisdictions of the local legislatives in educational field, bounded national and municipal legal systems, is central to discuss the contribution of the legislature in formulating public policies in education since the councilmen are limited in their power to legislate in this field arising from the relationship with the executive power. The work suggests the adoption of a collaborative policy on the political game, able to overcome the party struggle, as well as a reform of the Organic Law with regard to the legislative competence in the educational field. There is a dammed contribution potential of the legislature in legal system of education, due to the propositions able to get on the agenda that are archived, and because of that providences are suggested to be taken by political leaderships in order to optimize legislative production.

Human migration in the world is an old and on-going phenomenon. Humans move from place to place across local and international boundaries for various reasons. International migration requires documentation such as visas, passports, resident and work permits that are required for one to legally migrate to, and settle in an area. However, there are people who enter countries without documentation, and such people are referred to as undocumented migrants. This research investigates undocumented immigration in Zambia, with reference to Lusaka City. The theoretical framework that underpinned the research comprised four theories of international migration. These were the neoclassical economics theory of migration, new economics of labour migration theory, dual labour market theory of migration, and Kunz’s refugee migration theory. This researcher adopted the intensive research design and used the case study method, where Lusaka City (Zambia) constituted the case study area. The researcher gathered primary data from the Lusaka City Council, the Zambian immigration department headquarters, and from the informal settlements of Chibolya, Mandevu and Matero. Questionnaires were administered to the sampled immigration officers and Lusaka City Council officers, and interviews were conducted with Zambians and undocumented immigrants in the informal settlements. The research findings showed that undocumented immigrant interviewees came from the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) region. The undocumented immigrant interviewees entered Zambia due to the peace and economic opportunities found in the country, as well as joining their relatives, spouses and friends who were already in Zambia. Once in Zambia, the undocumented immigrant interviewees migrated to Lusaka City mainly for economic reasons. The major economic activity that undocumented immigrant interviewees were engaged in, was trade. Others were employed in the informal sector. Cooperation and complaints (challenges) characterised the co-existence between the interviewed Zambians and undocumented immigrants. Furthermore, undocumented immigrants in the case study areas brought about socio-economic and cultural benefits to the Zambians. Undocumented immigrants also contributed to socio-economic and environmental challenges in the case study areas. The Zambian government worked towards addressing the challenges of undocumented immigration in Lusaka City and above all, reducing the phenomenon. Much literature and research on undocumented immigration focussed on the phenomenon at the national level, and not the local urban spatial scales. The research therefore aimed at investigating undocumented immigration in Zambia with specific reference to the urban locality of Lusaka City / Geography / M. Sc. (Geography)

?rea de concentra??o: Pol?tica, Cultura e Sociedade. / Submitted by Jos? Henrique Henrique (jose.neves@ufvjm.edu.br) on 2018-11-08T16:01:15Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) samuel_luiz_souza_pereira.pdf: 6573227 bytes, checksum: 5cb80c580c97be540c6a2c5b050eb1c5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Martins Cruz (rodrigo.cruz@ufvjm.edu.br) on 2018-11-10T12:00:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) samuel_luiz_souza_pereira.pdf: 6573227 bytes, checksum: 5cb80c580c97be540c6a2c5b050eb1c5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-10T12:00:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) samuel_luiz_souza_pereira.pdf: 6573227 bytes, checksum: 5cb80c580c97be540c6a2c5b050eb1c5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018 / A presente pesquisa insere-se nas atuais discuss?es da teoria pol?tica contempor?nea sobre democracia e participa??o. Parte-se do pressuposto que o sistema pol?tico democr?tico pode ganhar qualidade quando concilia a democracia representativa aos espa?os de democracia participativa, em suma, quando as institui??es pol?ticas formais conseguem, em algum grau, serem perme?veis ?s contribui??es da sociedade no controle e proposi??o de pol?ticas p?blicas. A assertiva que nos orienta, de alguma forma, tamb?m funcionou como base para cria??o dos Conselhos Gestores. N?o obstante a este fato, resta-nos saber se de fato tais Institui??es Participativas se fizeram exitosas em suas pretens?es. Da? o estudo das experi?ncias vividas no ?mbito dos Conselhos Municipais de Assist?ncia Social e Sa?de de Diamantina/MG. Com foco nestes espa?os, nos dirigimos a descortinar a din?mica da participa??o compreendendo-a a partir de vari?veis que acreditamos serem capazes de influenci?-la, inibindo ou impulsionando o protagonismo dos atores, s?o elas: o Desenho Institucional, portanto ?as regras do jogo?, os elementos sociais que se relacionam a ele - poder e interesses e as motiva??es para participa??o seja elas vinculadas a escolha racional e/ou derivadas do capital c?vico. O estudo emp?rico lan?a m?o de pesquisa documental e entrevista junto aos atores sociais envolvidos. Os resultados da pesquisa revelam limites das Institui??es Participativas analisadas principalmente no que se refere a representatividade dos atores sociais e na partilha de poderes entre Governo e Sociedade, mas, por outro lado, identifica potencialidade no que tange ao accountability tendo em vista a submiss?o de dados administrativos a aprecia??o dos conselhos. / Disserta??o (Mestrado Profissional) ? Programa de P?s-Gradua??o em Ci?ncias Humanas, Universidade Federal dos Vales do Jequitinhonha e Mucuri, 2018. / This study is part of current discussions of contemporary political theory about democracy and participation. It is assumed that the democratic political system can be of a better quality if representative and participative democracy are conciliated, in short, when formal political institutions can, in any way, be opened to society contributions for controling and proposing public policies. The assertive that guide us has, some way, worked as basis to create administrative councils. Nonetheless, the question remains as to whether such participative institutions has succeded in their claims, then the need to study experiences lived in the full scope of City Councils of social assistance and health of Diamantina/MG. We worked in order to reveal the dinamic of participating, trying to comphreend it through some variables we believe are able to influence it in a way of inhibiting or giving a boost to its protagonists: institutional design (social elements ? power and interests) and motivation, even if it is linked to rational choice and/or came from civic capital. The empirical study let go off documental research and interview with social actors involved. Results show limits of participative institutions analysed, mainly relating to social actors representativity and power-sharing between government and society, but, on the other hand, it identify potentiality referring to accountability with a view of submitting administrative data to councils apreciation.

Industrial and Organisational Psychology / M.Com. (Bedryfsielkunde)