Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / Through South African labour legislation, bargaining councils are empowered to conclude collective agreements between employers and trade unions. While bargaining councils were created for virtually every sector within the South African private sector, only one bargaining council exists for the public sector. This public sector bargaining council is known as the Public Service Co-ordinating Bargaining Council (PSCBC). The PCSBC subsequently established four sectoral councils to further collectively bargain on matters pertaining to sectoral issues relevant to the sector it represents. However, the PSCBC remains the apex of these four public service sectoral bargaining councils. This thesis focuses on how the Public Service Co-ordinating Bargaining Council (PSCBC) contributes to social dialogue within South African public service. This thesis seeks to fill a significant literature gap on collective bargaining as accomplished by the PSCBC. The thesis briefly examines the history of collective bargaining in the South African public service. The research methodology utilised includes information gleaned from annual reports published by the PSCBC. Interviews of selected stakeholders such as government officials and labour organisations involved in the PSCBC were conducted. The PSCBC objectives are identified and analysed against the performance of the PSCBC for the period 1997 to 2007. The relevant PSCBC role players are identified. The power realities between these role players are reflected. The criteria for remaining a party to these PSCBC will be explained. The thesis holds that historically an adversarial relationship existed between the state as employer and the recognised trade unions. The establishment of the PSCBC created the opportunity for the historical adversaries between an employer and trade union to be converted into social dialogue interactions, which are commonly believed to be a better approach in resolving their differences. / South Africa

La négociation collective est au coeur de la production normative en droit du travail. Le droit à la négociation collective proclamé au niveau constitutionnel, européen et international appartient au salarié ; ce dernier ne l’exerce que par ses représentants. Son droit individuel à la négociation se résout donc dans un droit à être représenté qui se déduit de la lecture de l’alinéa 8 du Préambule de la Constitution et des textes internationaux et européens. Il est paré des qualités d’un droit « justiciable ». Droit subjectif, il peut être invoqué par le salarié. Droit-créance, celui-ci peut revendiquer la mise en place d’une représentation légitime. La légitimité, concept sociologique, doit trouver traduction juridique à travers le droit des représentés de choisir librement leur représentants, et le droit de ceux-ci d’être protégés dans leur mission de négociation. Le vecteur de légitimité est trouvé dans l’expression de la volonté des salariés en vue de la désignation de leurs représentants. Cette expression peut prendre la forme d’un mandat ou de l’élection. Au regard des caractéristiques de l’acte conclu à l’issue de la négociation (l’effet erga omnes des conventions et accords) et de l’intérêt défendu (l’intérêt collectif), l’élection doit être privilégiée. Le législateur s’attache à réaliser la condition de légitimité. Preuve en est la promotion de l’audience électorale par la loi du 20 août 2008. Dans le cadre international et européen, la réalisation d’un droit à la représentation n’est encore que partielle. / Collective bargaining has a key-role in employment law’s construction. French Constitution, European and International laws acknowledge a right to collective bargaining which belongs to employees : employees exercise this right through their representatives. Actually, employee’s right to collective bargaining is reduced to a right to be represented as state both, paragraph 8 of 1946 French Constitution Preamble and European and International laws. This right may find its efficiency before Courts. As a subjective right, it can be put forward by an employee. This makes the employee creditor of the right to claim for the implementation of legitimate representatives. “Legitimacy” as a sociologic notion, must be legally translated through the right of represented employees to design freely their representatives, and the right for these representatives to be protected as long as they exercise their mission of bargaining. Legitimacy is translated through the expression of employees’ will to design their representatives. This expression may be formalized through a mandate or through an election. With consideration to the significance of collective bargaining (“erga omnes” effect of collective bargaining agreements) and of the interest at stake (collective interest), election shall be favoured. Law works at providing the condition of this legitimacy. For example, August 20, 2008 law promotes election results. At a European and International level, the realization of a right to be represented remains unachieved.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ana_flavia_dantas_figueiredo_silva.pdf: 673122 bytes, checksum: 8599f85d03049abb4e762b91a758ecbe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-10 / The dissertation aims to examine the draft bill called the Collective Bargaining Agreement for specific purposes / Special Collective Agreement-ACE, created by the ABC Metalworkers' Union and delivered in early 2011 the Federal Executive Power and the bill authored 4193 2012 deputy Irajá Abreu. The bill proposes legislative changes to end the implementation of trade union committees company, seeking a supposed "democratization" in labor relations with the possibility of carrying out collective negotiations whose only limit to this negotiation would present labor rights in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Brazil 1988 the problem involving the dissertation is presented by the Primer draft bill which lists the said bill as the "modernization" of labor relations, solution to what its authors consider to be a rigid law and beyond. The choice is also studying the bill 4193, 2012 is the hypothesis that the same idea follows the ACE to use collective bargaining as "modernization" of the Consolidation of Labor Laws of 1943 CLT taken by stiff archaic and bureaucratic. In the justification of PL 4193/12 CLT prevents the competitiveness of enterprises and the consequent increases in jobs, and collective bargaining the best option. The dissertation seeks to show that among the discourses surrounding an alleged "modernization" of existing labor legislation in Brazil is possible to realize major elements of the theory and Deregulation Easing Labor, which advocate the fallacious notion that excessive rigidity destroys jobs and prevents dialogue between capital and labor. There came to the premise of these same users be flexible and to dialogue away from the figure of the "Interventor state." In this sense, amid the discursive tessitura found in the texts of the draft and the bill, if part is the hypothesis that through an era of change brought by postmodernity, in a process that installs (economic, social and political ) institutionalization of deregulation and consequent job insecurity verifying, significantly, the lack of concern for social justice, the social value of work and the dignity of the human person. Such neoliberal strategies pose as an obstacle to the development of the country and the CLT itself the principle of worker protection. However, it is noticeable movement towards such contradict the neoliberal arguments to improve and use new principles in Labour Law, the principle of sealing the social regression, in order to protect their achievements stories. / A dissertação tem por objetivo analisar o anteprojeto de lei denominado Acordo Coletivo com propósito específico/ Acordo Coletivo Especial-ACE, criado pelo Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos do ABC e entregue no início de 2011 ao Poder Executivo Federal e o projeto de lei 4193 de 2012 de autoria do deputado Irajá Abreu. O anteprojeto propõe alteração legislativa com fim à concretização dos comitês sindicais de empresa, buscando uma suposta democratização nas relações de trabalho com a possibilidade de realização de negociações coletivas cujo único limite seriam os direitos trabalhistas presentes na Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988. A problemática que envolve a dissertação é apresentado pela Cartilha do anteprojeto de lei que elenca o dito anteprojeto como a modernização das relações trabalhistas, solução para o que seus autores consideram ser uma lei rígida e ultrapassa. A escolha em se estudar, também, o projeto de lei 4193 de 2012 é pela hipótese de que o mesmo segue a ideia do ACE em utilizar a negociação coletiva como alternativa de modernização da Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho de 1943-CLT tida, por esses dois elementos técnicos jurídicos, por rígida, arcaica e burocrática. Na justificativa do PL 4193/12 a CLT impede a competitividade e o crescimento das empresas e os consequentes aumentos nos números de postos de trabalho, por ser extremamente rígida, e coloca como alternativa a essa inflexibilidade a negociação coletiva. A dissertação busca demonstrar que em meio aos discursos em torno de uma pretensa modernização da legislação trabalhista vigente no Brasil é possível perceber grandes elementos da teoria da Flexibilização e Desregulamentação Laboral, onde preconizam a noção falaciosa de que o excesso de rigidez destrói os empregos e impede o diálogo entre o capital e o trabalho. Surgindo daí à premissa desses mesmos usuários serem flexíveis e dialogarem longe da figura do Estado Interventor . Em meio às tessituras discursivas presentes nos textos do anteprojeto e do projeto de lei, parte-se da hipótese de que por meio de uma mudança de época trazida pela pós-modernidade, em um processo que instala (econômica, social e politicamente) uma institucionalização da desregulamentação e da consequente precarização do trabalho verificando-se, de forma acentuada, a ausência de preocupação para com a justiça social, a valorização social do trabalho e a dignidade da pessoa humana. Tais estratégias neoliberais colocam como óbice ao desenvolvimento do país a própria CLT e o princípio da proteção ao trabalhador. Entretanto, é perceptível um movimento no sentido a contraditar tais argumentos neoliberais ao aprimorar e utilizar novos princípios no Direito do Trabalho, como o princípio da vedação ao retrocesso social, com o fim de proteger suas conquistas histórias.

My thesis studies the role of trade unions as representatives of workers in Czech Republic and Germany. The aim of this thesis is presentation of representation of collective and individual interests of workers on various levels - from national to corporate level. My thesis presents position of trade unions towards state and employers too. In the last chapter the thesis deals with social issues and challenges, that trade unions deal with as well. In conclusion the thesis offers a comparison of the role of trade unions at mentioned levels of representation in Czech Republic and Germany.

The problem with which this research is concerned is that of determining the impact of the 1974 Amendments (Public Law No. 93-3 60) to the Taft Hartley Act. These amendments provided new coverage to over two million health care workers. The purpose of this study is to determine the impact of this law on labor relations in the health care industry. In retrospect, the first years following the amendments have been eventful; National Labor Relations Board cases, court decisions, increased organizing activities. Boards of Inquiry recommendations, and professional associations union functions are the most significant developments. Future research will be able to present a longitudinal analyses of these activities and investigate other important areas of health care labor relations such as nursing homes and clinics.

Thesis advisor: Geoffrey Sanzenbacher / Labor unions are generally considered to be beneficial for workers wages and benefits, but have been on the decline for decades. This analysis questions why workers appear more hesitant to vote for labor unions now than in the past by investigating what factors influence individual labor union votes. Specifically, this analysis aims to pinpoint the effect that outside minimum wages have on union election outcomes. Using data from the United States National Labor Relations Board, Michigan State, IPUMS USA and the US Census Bureau, I generated two models – a logistic regression, and an ordinary least squares regression – that each predict the likelihood of union support based upon outside minimum wages, after controlling for a variety of factors including but not limited to the county unemployment rate, the existence of the Right to Work law, and county-level demographics. I find that the difference between state-level or city-level minimum wages and the federal minimum wage has a positive relationship with the likelihood of union certification. Specifically, I find that union support is most likely in areas where the local-level minimum wage is $4.18 higher than the federal minimum wage in the logistic model, and $5.13 higher than the federal minimum in the ordinary least squares model, ceteris paribus. Put differently, with a federal minimum wage of $7.25, areas with minimum wages around $12 are most likely to see union elections pass. Overall, these results suggest that workers are more likely to vote for a union when local exogenous economic environments are strong. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Departmental Honors. / Discipline: Economics.

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L’opera analizza l’evoluzione del contratto di lavoro a tempo parziale nell’ordinamento europeo e italiano. In Italia successivamente a una fase pionieristica la prima regolamentazione legislativa, l. n. 864 1983, lascia aperti numerosi problemi interpretativi. L’ordinamento europeo tenta di superare la mancanza di una specifica regolamentazione a protezione del lavoro part-time, basandosi sul principio della parità di retribuzione tra uomini e donne, come affermato dalla Corte di giustizia. Infine il part time è regolato dalla Direttiva 97/81, che da un lato rappresenta l’apice del Dialogo sociale europeo, dall’altro è tra gli istituti su cui la Strategia europea per l’occupazione fa affidamento, soprattutto per aumentare il tasso di presenza femminile al lavoro. Successivamente, la legge n. 61/2000 traspone la direttiva nell’ordinamento italiano. A partire da allora in un’ ottica di favorire l’incremento del part time, alcune clausole subiscono numerose modifiche, che oscillano tra delega alla contrattazione collettiva e all’autonomia individuale. L’incremento del part time nel corso degli ultimi anni, anche a seguito della crisi, è rappresentato da part timers involontari, che accettano questo contratto soltanto in mancanza di un impiego a tempo pieno. Infine si compie un’analisi circa i futuri sviluppi della normativa sul tempo parziale. Più nello specifico, la perenne tensione tra contrattazione collettiva e autonomia individuale, entrambe indispensabili, dovrebbe tendere ad un nuovo equilibrio regolativo. Inoltre le auspicate modifiche legislative in ordine a un pieno diritto al part time, non potranno ignorare, in un’ ottica funzionale, una armonizzazione con le regole in tema di aspettative e permessi. / The study focuses on part-time work evolution in the European and Italian systems. After a pioneering phase, the first legislative regulation in Italy, law n. 864/1983, raises a number of interpretation problems. The European System attempts to overcome the lack of a specific regulation to protect part-time work by relying on the principle of equal pay for men and women as stated by the European Court of Justice. In the end, part-time is regulated by Directive 97 /81 which, on the one hand, represents the success of the European social dialogue and, on the other hand, is one of the most important means to increase the number of women in the work market according to the European Employment Strategy. At a later stage, the law n . 61/2000 transposes the Directive into the Italian system. Since then, in a perspective of increasing part-time, some clauses in Italy undergo numerous changes which specifically range from delegation to collective bargaining and to the individual autonomy. The increased number of part-timers in recent years, partly as a result of the economic crisis, is represented by the involuntary part-timer workers, which accept contracts only in the absence of full time employment. In the end, the study anticipates future developments in part-time work regulation. More specifically, the constant tension between individual autonomy and collective bargaining, which are both crucial, should tend to a new regulative equilibrium. In addition, future advocated legislative changes related to a full right to part-time should not ignore, in a functional perspective, the harmonization with the rules regarding leaves of absences and other permitted absences.

Au Québec, les négociations collectives dans les secteurs public et parapublic ainsi que dans les services publics sont assujetties aux règles du Code du travail (L.R.Q. C.-27). Certains secteurs dispensant des services dits essentiels, comme le transport en commun et le secteur de la santé et des services sociaux, ont à respecter des règles particulières, différentes de celles des autres secteurs assujettis au régime général édicté par le Code. Ces règles particulières constituent ce qu’on appelle le régime des services essentiels. Les négociations dans les services essentiels comportent des particularités importantes – considérations politiques et absence de substituts des services publics pour la population – qui les distinguent de façon notable des négociations qui se déroulent sous l’égide du modèle général de négociation collective édicté au Code et applicable dans les autres secteurs (Bergeron et Paquet, 2006). Quels sont les effets du régime des services essentiels sur la négociation collective dans le secteur du transport en commun et de la santé et des services sociaux? Dans le cadre de cette recherche, nous avons examiné les effets du régime des services essentiels (les règles du Code du travail et les décisions du Conseil des services essentiels) sur différents aspects de la négociation collective : 1) la mobilisation, 2) le rapport de force, 3) les moyens de pression, 4) le déroulement des négociations, 5) l’arrêt de travail, 6) les résultats de la négociation collective et 7) le climat de travail. Afin d’étudier ces négociations atypiques dans notre système de relations industrielles, nous avons réalisé deux études de cas (secteur du transport en commun et secteur de la santé et des services sociaux). Les résultats indiquent bien que le régime des services essentiels influence le processus de négociation collective dans ces secteurs. Par contre, la comparaison des deux secteurs montre que les règles additionnelles auxquelles est assujetti le secteur de la santé et des services sociaux n’apparaissent pas affecter de façon déterminante le processus de négociation collective. / In Québec, collective bargaining in the public sector is to follow the rules established by the Labour Code (L.R.Q. C.-27). Certain sectors, providing essential services such as the public transit sector and the health and social services sector have additional rules. Those rules are referred to as the essential services legislation. Negotiations occurring within this structure have noticeable differences - the exclusion of political considerations, on the one hand, and the lack of a replacement for public services for the public, on the other hand – that distinguishes them from the more common framework of collective bargaining established by the Labor Code for other sectors of activity (Bergeron et Paquet, 2006). We ask the question: what are the impacts of the essentials services legislation on collective bargaining? For this research project, we have analysed the impact of the essential services legislation (rules by the Labor Code and decisions rendered by the Essential services board) on different aspects of collective bargaining: 1) mobilization, 2) power bargaining, 3) pressure tactics, 4) flow of negotiation, 5) work stoppage, 6) results of collective bargaining and 7) work climat. We carried out two case studies in order to study the atypical negotiations in our industrial relations system. The first study was in the public transit sector and the second in the health and social services sector. The results demonstrate that the essential services legislation influences collective bargaining. But the additional constraints in the social services sector do not seem to influence, on a larger scale, the collective bargaining for that sector of activity.