Many have decried the lack of civility in Congress. However, to this point, few have attempted to isolate individual level explanations for the lack of comity. This research attempts to rectify this lapse. Through matched pair analysis using quota sampling with replacement, the significant predictors of uncivil behaviors are isolated in a Logistic regression. Initially, a sample is established using the New York Times and Washington Post, 1933-2005, inclusive. This time period begins with the 73rd Congress and ends with the 109th. Incidents of incivility were catalogued and the details concerning the individuals involved were gathered. In the end, the research finds several significant predictors of incivility; tenure, ideological extremism, electoral safety, and previous state legislative experience are all significantly associated with the likelihood of engaging in uncivil acts. By isolating the factors that likely contribute to incivility, it may be possible to make recommendations concerning the recruitment of future candidates; recommendations that may lead to a more productive legislature.

Au Canada, la première forme de système politique comportant une assemblée de représentants élus a vu le jour à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Dans l’ancienne colonie de la Nouvelle-France, une population qui n’avait jamais connu de démocratie auparavant s’est familiarisée avec la vie civique en moins de 50 ans. Ce mémoire porte sur une expérience de mobilisation populaire à la veille des Rébellions de 1837-1838. Il cherche plus précisément à comprendre les modalités mises en place dans le monde rural afin de canaliser l’appui populaire envers le Parti patriote dans le district de Montréal. Cet angle permet de faire ressortir la participation accrue des Canadiens lors de la période tendue qui suivit le dépôt des Quatre-Vingt-Douze Résolutions en 1834. Cette thèse se propose donc de montrer le lien entre la mobilisation politique et les pratiques émanant de la masse populaire. Ce mémoire démontre donc l’influence de la population paysanne du Bas-Canada dans la culture politique des patriotes et de ce fait, souligne les procédés que les individus ont mis en place au cours de leur apprentissage démocratique. / In Canada, the first political system with popular representation was established in the late 18th century. In the former colony of New France, a population that had never known democracy before familiarized itself with civic life in less than 50 years. This thesis focuses on one case of popular mobilization on the eve of the Rebellions of 1837-1838. It specifically seeks to understand the practices established in rural areas of the district of Montreal to channel popular support for the Parti patriote. This angle allows us to emphasize the increased participation of Canadiens in the tense period following the filing of the 92 Resolutions in 1834. This thesis proposes to show the link between political mobilization and practices emanating from the masses. The humble ambition of this thesis is, therefore, to show the influence of the peasant population of Lower Canada in the political culture of the Patriotes and therefore underline the practices that individuals adopted in their democratic learning process.

Dans le cadre du renouvellement doctrinal sur les unions fédérales, nous proposons une définition du pacte fédératif qui se fonde sur l'étude des systèmes fédéraux allemand, américain, et suisse dans la perspective d'une qualification juridique des traités européens. Le pacte fédératif est un acte conclu volontairement entre des Etats fondant une institution, la Fédération, qui constitue une union politique. La stabilité de cette Fédération impose des mécanismes assurant sa cohérence et le respect du droit fédéral, ainsi que le développement d'un sentiment d'appartenance fédéral. Mais les autorités fédérales doivent à l'inverse respecter l'intégrité des Etats membres. Si l'un de ces éléments n'est pas respecté la Fédération risque d'imploser ou de se transformer en Etat fédéral. L'Union européenne répond globalement à ces critères de définition, ce qui permet sa qualification de Fédération. L'étude de son fonctionnement permet également de mettre en évidence un respect général de l'équilibre entre les niveaux fédéral et fédéré nécessaire à sa pérennisation en tant que Fédération. Au plan matériel, l'équilibre entre impératif de bon fonctionnement de la Fédération et le respect de l'intégrité des Etats membres ne fait pas l'objet de tensions avec les Etats membres, que ce soit au niveau de la répartition comme de l'exercice des compétences. Au plan institutionnel, le processus décisionnel a dû s'adapter au renforcement de l'intégration européenne. On constate notamment un renforcement de la légitimité démocratique, condition préalable au développement d'un sentiment d'appartenance européen, même si des améliorations restent nécessaires. Le reproche de déficit démocratique lié à l'absence d'alternative partisane paraît plus difficile à résoudre car le facteur partisan n'est pas aisé à concilier avec la logique de fonctionnement des institutions européennes qui impose une forme de compromis. / As part of the renewal of the doctrin regarding federal unions, I suggest a definition of the federal compact which is based on the study of the German, the American and the Swiss federal systems in order to find a legal classification for the European treaties. The federal compact is an act voluntarily concluded between states founding an "institution", the Federation, which is a political union. The stability of this Federation implies mechanisms which safeguard consistency and compliance with federal law ; besides it requires the development of a federal sense of belonging. But conversely, federal authorities have to respect the member states’ integrity. If one of those criteria is not met, the Federation may collapse or turn into a federal state. The European Union meets these criteria completely, which allows its characterization as Federation. The study of its functioning enables then to highlight a global compliance of the balance between federal and state level, which is necessary for the Federation’s stability. On the material level, the balance between the obligation of a good functioning Federation on the one hand and the respect of the member states on the other doesn't turn into a conflict with the member states, neither in regard of the allocation of power nor in regard of the exercise of power. On the institutional level, decisional process had to be adapted to a deeper European integration. There is in particular a strengthened democratic legitimacy, which is required for a European sense of belonging to develop, even though improvements are still necessary. It seems more difficult to solve the problem of the criticism related to the lack of democracy based on the absence of political challenge because political challenge is not easy to achieve given the compromise-based way the European institution function.

En tant qu’organisation qui a vocation à réguler les échanges commerciaux mondiaux et qui promeut le libre-échange, l’OMC désigne naturellement l’une des principales, voire l’unique, structure internationale capable d’incarner l’approche multilatérale qui s’impose devant la mondialisation des pratiques anticoncurrentielles et des opérations de concentration. Les règles de concurrence présentes dans son corpus juridique, ainsi que la jurisprudence issue de leur mise en œuvre, grâce notamment à l’existence d’un mécanisme contraignant de règlement des différends, forment un droit primaire de la concurrence. Toutefois, un tel droit ne régit que les comportements des acteurs étatiques et n’appréhende les agissements des particuliers que de manière indirecte. Par conséquent, il nécessite d’être complété et adapté aux nouvelles réalités procédant de la mondialisation des économies, ce par le biais d’une adoption d’un accord multilatéral portant sur la concurrence. Le système de règlement des litiges devrait aussi subir une mutation, en renforçant ses techniques de sanction et en s’ouvrant aux personnes privées / As an organization which goal is to regulate international trade exchanges and to promote free trade, the World Trade Organization refers naturally to one of the main international structures or even the only one which can embody the multilateral approach needed to face the globalization of anti-competitive practices and concentration operations. The competition rules mentioned in its legal corpus as well as the case law from their implementation, are a primary competition law thanks to the existence of a coercing mechanism to solve problems in particular. However, a such rule only governs the states actors’ behaviours and is not directly apprehensive of the acting of the individuals. Therefore, it needs to be completed and adapted to the new realities of the situation by proceeding the globalization of the economies by means of the adoption of an multilateral agreement over the competition. The settlement of dispute system would need some change, by strengthening its technical punishments and by opening its gates to the private individuals

<p>This thesis is a contribution to the scholarly debate on how African Independent Churches (AICs) relate to outside partners. It is a case study from the perspective of the periphery of Ethiopia, which explains the origins of the Mekane Yesus Church in Kambata Hadiya</p><p>The diachronic structure of the study with a focus from 1944 to 1975 highlights how a group of Christians reacted to cultural pressure and formed a local independent church, the Kambata Evangelical Church 2 (KEC-2). The KEC-2 established relations with external partners, like a neighbouring mainstream conference of churches, a neighbouring mainstream church, an international organisation, and a mainstream overseas church and its mission. These relations influenced the KEC-2 to develop into a synod of the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus (EECMY). The diachronic approach is augmented by synchronic structural analyses, illustrating how aspects in the independent KEC-2, like polity, worship, doctrine and ethos were changing.</p><p>The study contends that "Ethiopian Evangelical Solidarity" was a crucial factor in the development of the independent KEC-2 into a synod of the EECMY. As this factor helped the Ethiopians to transcend barriers of ethnicity, social status and denominationalism, it is not unreasonable to assume that the study has relevance for a wider African context.</p><p>This thesis builds on material taken mainly from unpublished printed sources in various languages from archives in Ethiopia, Finland, Sweden, Switzerland and the USA. These are supplemented by interviews made by the author.</p>

This thesis is a contribution to the scholarly debate on how African Independent Churches (AICs) relate to outside partners. It is a case study from the perspective of the periphery of Ethiopia, which explains the origins of the Mekane Yesus Church in Kambata Hadiya The diachronic structure of the study with a focus from 1944 to 1975 highlights how a group of Christians reacted to cultural pressure and formed a local independent church, the Kambata Evangelical Church 2 (KEC-2). The KEC-2 established relations with external partners, like a neighbouring mainstream conference of churches, a neighbouring mainstream church, an international organisation, and a mainstream overseas church and its mission. These relations influenced the KEC-2 to develop into a synod of the Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus (EECMY). The diachronic approach is augmented by synchronic structural analyses, illustrating how aspects in the independent KEC-2, like polity, worship, doctrine and ethos were changing. The study contends that "Ethiopian Evangelical Solidarity" was a crucial factor in the development of the independent KEC-2 into a synod of the EECMY. As this factor helped the Ethiopians to transcend barriers of ethnicity, social status and denominationalism, it is not unreasonable to assume that the study has relevance for a wider African context. This thesis builds on material taken mainly from unpublished printed sources in various languages from archives in Ethiopia, Finland, Sweden, Switzerland and the USA. These are supplemented by interviews made by the author.

La thèse se propose de déterminer dans quelle mesure on peut appliquer la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés (la Charte) pour protéger la personne qui fait l’objet d’une procédure d’extradition au Canada contre les violations potentielles de ses droits constitutionnels dans l’État requérant. À cette question, la jurisprudence a toujours apporté une réponse négative. Elle a même établi un principe selon lequel la Charte ne peut recevoir d'application extraterritoriale en matière d'extradition. Trois arguments ont été avancés en faveur de ce principe : l'argument tiré de l'art. 32 de la Charte, l'argument de la courtoisie internationale, et enfin le principe de respect des différences dans d'autres ressorts. Pour protéger la personne réclamée face à l’État requérant, la jurisprudence a plutôt mis en place un test basé sur un processus de pondération, à savoir le test du « choc de la conscience ». Ce test a pour principale conséquence que les droits constitutionnels de l’extradable ne constituent pas un motif obligatoire de refus de l’extradition, mais constituent plutôt des facteurs parmi d’autres que le ministre de la Justice doit prendre en considération dans l’exercice de son pouvoir discrétionnaire d’extrader. La jurisprudence considère même que l’ensemble de ces facteurs a un « aspect juridique négligeable ». En réalité, la jurisprudence canadienne s’est largement inspirée en la matière du droit américain, parfois en le déformant, au détriment des dispositions pertinentes du droit canadien. Or, le droit américain, contrairement à la majorité des pays démocratiques, accorde une piètre protection à la personne qui fait l’objet d’une procédure d’extradition. Le résultat en est une insatisfaction générale à l’égard du droit canadien de l’extradition au point que le Comité permanent de la justice et des droits de la personne de la Chambre des communes a récemment présenté un rapport qui vise à moderniser le droit canadien de l’extradition afin qu’il respecte les droits de la personne réclamée. Après avoir montré que les arguments avancés par la jurisprudence à la faveur du principe de l’inapplication extraterritoriale de la Charte en matière d'extradition sont, avec égards, mal fondés, nous démontrerons que l’application extraterritoriale de la Charte dans ce domaine est, au contraire, requise par un principe cardinal en droit constitutionnel, à savoir la présomption de conformité de la Charte au droit international des droits de la personne. À la lumière de ce constat, nous soutenons que les textes actuels sont largement suffisants pour protéger la personne réclamée face à l’État requérant et que le problème réside plutôt dans l'application qui en a été faite par les tribunaux. Le principe de respect des différences dans les autres ressorts contient cependant une part de vérité. Si pour accorder l’extradition, chaque État exige le respect des droits de la personne garantis par sa propre Constitution ou par son propre ordre juridique, l'extradition en tant que mécanisme de coopération internationale en matière pénale sera certainement bloquée. Il est impossible dans ces conditions de soutenir que tous les droits garantis par la Charte peuvent constituer des obstacles à l'extradition. L'issue du problème se trouve à notre avis dans le recours à la doctrine de la « public policy », une notion bien connue en droit international privé canadien et dans le domaine de la coopération judiciaire internationale au Canada, où elle joue une fonction « corrective » qui vise à ajuster les règles normalement applicables afin de protéger les valeurs morales fondamentales de l'ordre juridique canadien. Nous soutenons que l’extradition doit être refusée si elle a pour conséquence de transgresser la politique publique du Canada, autrement dit, si elle contrevient aux valeurs morales fondamentales de l'ordre juridique canadien. Dans ce contexte, nous proposons un nouveau cadre d’analyse, une solution clé en main pour les tribunaux qui, sans modifier les textes existants, permet de respecter non seulement nos engagements internationaux en matière de protection des droits de la personne, mais aussi de préserver la cohérence interne de la méthode d’interprétation de la Charte, tout en respectant les spécificités du droit de l’extradition. / This thesis aims to ascertain the extent to which the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (the Charter) can be applied extraterritorially to safeguard individuals involved in extradition proceedings in Canada against potential violations of their constitutional rights in the requesting state. Courts have consistently responded negatively to this question, asserting that the Charter does not apply extraterritorially in the context of extradition. Three rationales have been put forward in favor of this principle: the argument drawn from art. 32 of the Charter, the argument of international comity, and finally the principle of respect for differences in other jurisdictions. To protect the rights of the person sought against the requesting state, courts have introduced a test based on a balancing process, namely the “shocks the conscience” test. Under this test, the constitutional rights of the requested person are not a mandatory ground for refusal but rather one of several factors considered by the Minister of Justice when deciding whether to grant extradition. According to case law, all these factors have a “negligible legal aspect”. In fact, Canadian courts have heavily relied on American law in this matter, sometimes distorting it to the detriment of relevant Canadian legal provisions. The issue lies in the fact that, unlike the majority of democratic nations, American law offers poor protections for individuals facing extradition proceedings. This has led to widespread dissatisfaction with Canadian extradition law, prompting the House of Commons Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights to present a recent report aimed at modernizing the law to ensure it respects the rights of requested individuals. After highlighting that the arguments put forward by case law in favor of the principle of extraterritorial inapplicability of the Charter in extradition matters are, with respect, unfounded, I will argue that, on the contrary, the extraterritorial application of the Charter in this area is required by a fundamental principle of constitutional law, namely the presumption of conformity of the Charter with international human rights law. Considering this observation, I maintain that current texts are largely sufficient to protect individuals sought against the requesting State, and that the problem lies rather in the way they have been applied by the courts. The principle of respect for differences in other jurisdictions, however, contains a grain of truth. If, in order to grant extradition, each State requires respect for the human rights guaranteed by its own Constitution or legal system, extradition as a mechanism for international cooperation in criminal matters will certainly be blocked. It is impossible in these conditions to argue that all the rights guaranteed by the Charter can constitute obstacles to extradition. In my view, the solution lies in the use of the doctrine of "public policy", a concept well known in Canadian private international law and in the Canadian law of international judicial cooperation, where it plays a "corrective" function aimed at adjusting the rules normally applicable in order to protect the fundamental moral values of the Canadian legal order. Extradition must be denied if it would transgress Canadian public policy. In this context, I propose a new analytical framework—a turnkey solution for courts—that respects our international obligations to protect human rights without modifying existing texts. This approach also preserves internal coherence in interpreting the Charter while taking into account specificities of extradition law.

不論是反全球化或是支持全球化，我們都無法否認，全球化已經是一個現在進行式。另外一個與全球化一樣逐步成長的乃是市場經濟體制，市場經濟體制植基於開放競爭有助於資源合理分配的觀念，而全球化則擴大了資源分配的範圍。然而，全球化和市場經濟體制的發達，貿易壁壘的消除，也帶動跨國界限制競爭活動的發展，反托拉斯不再是單純的國內問題，而是國際問題。 國際反托拉斯所帶來的問題大致可分為下述兩種，一是阻礙國際貿易的發展，二是因為各國不同的反托拉斯標準造成國際緊張以及企業成本。第一類問題可以細分為下述幾種情況：1. 國際卡特爾破壞市場競爭機制以及消費者福祉； 2. 跨國公司在全球濫用獨占力，影響國際競爭秩序和消費者福祉；3. 競爭法的缺乏以及競爭法的不力執行構成市場進入障礙。第二類問題亦可以細分為下屬幾種情況：1. 國際合併的多國標準造成企業的額外成本，不利國際合併之進行，並造成國際緊張；2. 國與國間產業政策以及競爭政策的衝突。 面對上述這些跨國性的反托拉斯問題，各界紛紛提出競爭法調和的呼籲，此議題近來在各國際組織也漸獲重視。事實上為了處理國外限制競爭行為對國內所產生的影響，以保護本國利益，國內法方面已有所謂的「域外適用（extraterritorial application）」對策產生。但是競爭法的域外適用並無法全然解決現時國際限制競爭行為所帶來的問題，反而還帶來了新的問題，並造成國際緊張。為了在國際案件有效執行反托拉斯法，不論是在卡特爾案件或是獨占力濫用案件，各國競爭法主管機關互相合作與協調都是不可或缺的。至於將競爭法提升至國際法層次，避免國家以非關稅措施破壞自由貿易制度，似乎也有需要。 本文目的在於藉著對競爭法調和現況的瞭解和其成就之分析來尋求目前全球化時代，貿易自由化時代下跨國限制競爭問題的解決之道。 全文一共分為六章，第一章為緒論，為本論文做出開端，闡明全球化時代國際競爭秩序的問題，並提出研究範圍與目的。 第二章研究關於國際競爭秩序的雙邊條約，著眼於美國和歐盟，澳洲和紐西蘭，以及我國和世界各國所訂立的條約。討論範圍為該些雙邊關係所建立之合作內容，其具體成效，成功失敗之因素，以及可供世界各國借鏡之處。台灣部分則著眼於我國目前現狀之檢討，和未來走向之研究。 第三章為從事競爭法調和的區域性國際組織，研究範圍包括歐盟、APEC以及NAFTA。其中APEC所從事的活動較近於政策性的調和，屬於競爭政策的宣導；NAFTA則進一步具有競爭法的實體規範；歐盟不但具有實體規範，並具有一套全球獨步的競爭法執行架構。 第四章為國際組織，將討論UN, WTO和OECD在國際競爭法的發展。UN基本上雖為政治組織，但是對於競爭議題也相當重視；WTO部分則將討論目前競爭議題在WTO體系的進展，並進一步討論WTO進行國際競爭法調和工作的可行性和不可行性；OECD對於競爭議題也一直相當重視，本文將探討OECD在競爭議題方面的研究成果。 第五章為全球性的競爭法規範，討論的範圍有UNCTAD所提出的「管制限制性商業行為的一套多邊協議的公平原則和規則（Set of Multilaterally Agreed Equitable Principles and Rules for the Control of Restrictive Business Practices）」以及DIAC。這兩套全球性的競爭法不但都具有實體規範也都提出一套制度性規範，雖然兩者都未能成為具有拘束力的國際競爭法，但是其所提出的實體規範內容和架構設計仍值得我們做進一步的研究。「管制限制性商業行為的一套多邊協議的公平原則和規則」本身是以聯大決議的形式呈現，因此在某一角度而言，「管制限制性商業行為的一套多邊協議的公平原則和規則」並未失敗，然而DIAC原本乃是預定成為WTO的附件之一，唯最後這樣的理想並未實現，因此我們有必要去問，DIAC的失敗因素為何？是基於其實體內容的設計問題，或是制度面的設計問題？或者是因為其他的外在因素？ 最後，在第六章的結論，本文將試圖分析各種競爭法調和方式的利弊得失，並且提出建議。 / Some people oppose globalization, while others support globalization. However, it is undeniable that globalization is an on-going trend. Another on-going trend is market-oriented economy structure. The structure of market-oriented economy bases on the theory that competition contributes to reasonable allocation of resource. On the other hand, globalization expands the scope of the allocation of resources. However, the proliferation of globalization and the structure of market-oriented economy and the elimination of trade barriers also promote the development of transnational anticompetitive activities. Antitrust is no more a pure domestic issue, it is also an international issue nowadays. International antitrust problems could be divided into two parts. First, the international antitrust activities hinder the development of international trade. Second, different antitrust standards of each country cause international tense situation and increase enterprises’ cost. First situation contains following aspects: 1. International cartels ruin market competition system and welfare of consumers. 2. Transnational companies abuse their dominant power all globally and affect international competition order and consumers’ welfare. 3. Absence of competition law and unenforcement of it constitute market entrance obstacles. Second situation also contains following aspects: 1.Different standards of international mergers bring many results, such as increasing enterprises’ extra cost, hindering the proceedings of international mergers, and causing international tensions. 2. The conflict between industry policy and competition policy of countries. Facing those transnational antitrust problems, the issue of the harmonization of competition law has been raised. This issue is drawing more and more attention in several international organizations day by day. In fact, to deal with the domestic effect of abroad anticompetitive activities to protect national interest, the theory “extraterritorial application” of domestic law has been raised. However, the extraterritorial application of domestic law is unable to solve all the problems that the international anticompetitive activities have brought. Furthermore, it has also made new problems and caused international tensions. To enforce antitrust law effectively in international cases, cooperation and coordination between national competition agencies are unavoidable. In addition, bringing antitrust law up to international law level and avoiding nations ruin free trade system by non-tariff strategy seem also be needed. The main purpose of this essay is to understand and analysis the current situation of the harmonization of competition law and to find out the solution of transnational competition problems in the era of globalization and the era of free-trade. This essay has been divided into 6 chapters. The first chapter is the introduction, which illustrates the international competition problems in the era of globalization and brings out the studying scope and purpose of this essay. The second chapter talks about international competition bilateral treaties between U.S. and E.U., Australia and New Zealand, Taiwan and other countries. The discussing scope contains the cooperation content which was set up by the bilateral treaty, its concrete result, and the reasons of its failure or success. As for Taiwan, this essay focuses on the review of its current situation and where its future is. The third chapter talks about regional international organizations which involve in the harmonization of competition law, such as E.U., APEC and NAFTA. APEC’s activities are more closer to the harmonization of policies, which promote competition activities. NAFTA has substantial competition regulations. E.U. not only has substantial regulations but also has the first set of enforcement system of international competition law in the world. The forth chapter is international organization, which talks about the development of international competition law in U.N., WTO and OECD. Although basically U.N. is a political organization, it also highly emphasizes competition issues. In addition, this chapter talks about the development of competition issues in the WTO system and the possibilities of promoting the harmonization of international competition law in WTO. Additionally, OECD also emphasizes competition issues very much. This chapter also talks about the study result of OECD in the competition issues. The fifth chapter is the global competition regulations, which contains “Set of Multilaterally Agreed Equitable Principles and Rules for the Control of Restrictive Business Practices” of UNCTAD and “ Draft International Antitrust Code”. Both of the global competition laws contain substantial regulations and the design of enforcement systems. Although both of them ended up in unrestrictive regulations, they also deserve further research. “Set of Multilaterally Agreed Equitable Principles and Rules for the Control of Restrictive Business Practices” was brought out with the form of UN General Assembly Resolution, but it is successful in some aspect. DIAC was meant to be an Annex of WTO originally. However this idea was not realized at the end. Why DIAC failed? Was it because of the design of its substantial content or the design of the enforcement structure or other outside factors? At last, this essay will analysis the shortages and advantages of all kinds of the harmonization of competition law and bring out recommendations in the conclusion of chapter 6.