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Master of Regional and Community Planning / Department of Architecture / Huston Gibson / National monument to national park re-designation can be identified as a controversial issue that poses an array of implications for surrounding communities. These perceived implications have the ability to create or change policies, regulations, economic development, marketing, quality of life and other direct or indirect impacts to communities. In 2010, Grand Junction, Colorado proposed re-designation of the Colorado National Monument to a national park. The community expressed split views on the issue expressing concerns on issues such as the preservation, traffic, regulated uses, restrictions, government imposition, property values, infrastructure, costs, economic prosperity and other impacts that might occur from re-designation. A multiple case study was conducted in order to determine if there were any significant impacts to other communities that had gone through similar re-designation efforts. The Community Capital Framework was used in determining the assets investigated for the years of 2000 and 2010. The findings of this study suggest that there are no substantial apparent impacts within the locations of past re-designation. Grand Junction had somewhat parallel findings to the other sites, even without the presence of re-designation. Suggesting, the re-designation efforts should be focused less on the community impacts and more on the short-term vs long-term park/monument effects.

Were the years of the Fundamentalist/Modernist Controversy (1890-1936) in the Presbyterian Church in the USA years of doctrinal development? This dissertation argues that the answer to this question is both "yes" and ''no." This dissertation, in exploring this particular era of modem American church history, takes its structure from well-known Catholic theologian, John Courtney Murray, and his contribution to the discussion of doctrinal development as it applied to the years of the Arian Controversy culminating in the Council of Nicaea. Murray identified three factions in that struggle: the Futurists, the Archaists, and the Centrists. The Futurists, represented by Arius and his followers, sought to identify Christianity with the prevailing philosophies of the day, thereby reinterpreting and altering certain affirmations of the faith. The Archaists, as seen in the person of Eusebius of Caesarea, reacted strongly to the Arians' proposals by not admitting any doctrinal formulation not couched in the 'sacred words' of Scripture. The Centrists, representing more balanced judgment, as seen in St. Athanasius, prevailed in the end. He saw that doctrinal development, which is herein defined to mean further definition, clarification, and application of existing truths, does indeed take place but not at the expense of denying the historic affirmations of the faith. After investigating development, tradition (the results of doctrinal development over time) and historicism (the theory that doctrine develops out of the historical process itself), Murray's structure is then applied to the struggles in the Presbyterian Church in the early twentieth century. Beginning with Charles Briggs of Union Seminary in New York and his avocation of historical criticism as applied to the Scriptures, the Presbyterian Church in the USA was thrown progressively into turmoil regarding just what constituted the historic affirmations of the faith. Briggs and those who followed, the Liberals or Futurists, wanted to jettison or remold a sizeable portion of the historic Westminster Confession of Faith, the doctrinal heritage of Presbyterianism. Further events, such as the confessional revision of 1903 and the Cumberland reunion of 1906, helped to propel the entire church in a Futurist direction. Opposition from the beginning came primarily from Princeton Seminary. Princeton's professors sought to maintain the historic, confessional stance of the church. In this endeavor they were at times Archaists, Centrists, and even Futurists. The efforts of those who would preserve the traditional, confessional stance of Presbyterianism, however, were doomed to failure as the church moved steadily in a Futurist direction. After some brief insights into the more prominent Futurist personalities and the rise of Fundamentalist opposition, the remainder of the dissertation is taken up with the exploits of J. Gresham Machen and his expulsion from an increasingly Futurist church. Machen was viewed as a trouble maker for opposing this trend. Those of more moderate sentiments often sided with the Liberals/Futurists over against Machen. After much anguish and a lengthy trial, Machen was deposed from the office of minister in the Presbyterian Church in the USA. He immediately proceeded to found a new Presbyterian denomination. Into this new church came both Archaist and Centrist alike, who had previously formed an uneasy alliance in opposition to the Futurism in the mother church. The coalition, however, did not last, and after a short time fragmented into smaller constituencies. Although things did not change all at once in the Presbyterian Church in the USA, Liberalism/Futurism became the norm and remains so until this day. This dissertation argues that the confessional revision of 1903 and the work of J. Gresham Machen can be classified as doctrinal development and, thus, Centrist endeavors. All of the other events of significance that characterize the Fundamentalist/Modernist Controversy were either Archaist in character or Futurist endeavors more concerned with changing the historic affirmations of the faith than developing them. / Church History / M.Th. (Church history)

Cette thèse porte sur la question de la rémunération des dirigeants de grandes sociétés cotées et, de manière plus précise, sur les problèmes de justification posés par certains montants et pratiques de rémunération. L’enjeu est d’étudier l’origine et la signification de la controverse publique sur le sujet en la mettant en rapport avec le modèle économique libéral qui dit que le « prix » du dirigeant est un simple prix de marché, soit le produit d’une confrontation entre une offre et une demande de travail managérial de haut niveau. En cela, notre objectif n’est pas de porter un jugement ou une simple évaluation sur la rémunération des dirigeants, mais de comprendre comment et en quoi la controverse étudiée fait problème, comment et en quoi elle interroge, en miroir, la nature et le fonctionnement des sociétés libérales. La démarche est donc « compréhensive », au sens où il s’agit de prendre appui sur le discours des acteurs de la controverse pour « déconstruire » un modèle de justification en apparence élémentaire, qui est aussi l’expression de l’idéologie dominante. / This thesis addresses the question of CEO compensation in large publicly-held firms and, more precisely, the problems of justification that arise with certain amounts and practices of compensation. The objective is to analyze the origin and meaning of the public controversy sparked by the subject by relating it to the liberal economic model according to which the “price” of CEOs is simply a market price, that is, the result of the confrontation between supply and demand of top-level managerial labor. As such, our objective is not to produce a judgment or a mere evaluation of CEO compensation, but rather to understand how and why the controversy generates a problem, or how and why it questions, reflexively, the nature and functioning of liberal societies. The approach is therefore “interpretative,” in the sense that it is based on the discourse of the actors involved in the controversy in order to “deconstruct” an apparently elementary model of justification, that is also the expression of the dominant ideology.

Les textes des jeunes intellectuels de Parti pris, élaborés autour de l'agonistique et du polémique, théâtre de violence et de luttes entre classes et entre valeurs à l'intérieur du champ social, représentent un cas singulier de la parole pamphlétaire québécoise circonscrite au contexte des années 1960. La présente étude veut questionner la fortune critique des textes pamphlétaires de Parti pris au Québec en mettant au jour les stratégies d'ordre rhétorique et discursif qu'ils recèlent. La visée politique révolutionnaire mise de l'avant par la revue est certainement celle qui a réussi le mieux à regrouper ses membres autour de l'identité québécoise (politique, économique, littéraire, artistique et culturelle). Parmi eux, Paul Chamberland, dont les textes varient de l'éditorial à la poésie, et Pierre Vallières avec son essai autobiographique Nègres blancs d'Amérique, sont peut-être les plus représentatifs de leur époque et des enjeux autour desquels gravitait la génération Parti pris. En faisant appel aux théories sur la parole polémique, à la rhétorique et à la pragmatique, notre recherche vise à éclairer l'articulation de la pensée de Chamberland et de Vallières, de même que la valeur littéraire de leurs oeuvres, voire leurs particularités stylistiques. En plus de dégager un aperçu des principales problématiques abordées par les animateurs de Parti pris, ce mémoire interroge l'intentionnalité qui se profile derrière le discours qui circulait dans la revue et au sein de la génération qui s'en réclamait. / The texts of the young intellectuals that appeared in Parti pris, written about the antagonistic and contentious theatre of violence and strife between classes and values in the social field, represent a singular case of Quebec’s pamphleteering circumscribed in the context of the 1960’s. This study wishes to question the critical faculties of the pamphleteers' texts in Quebec by uncovering the discursive and rhetorical strategies. The revolutionary political purpose put forward by the revue is certainly one of most successful in terms of consolidating its members around the Quebec identity (political, economic, literary, artistic and cultural). Amongst them, Paul Chamberland, whose texts ranged from editorials to poetry, and Pierre Vallières with his autobiographical essay Nègres blancs d’Amérique, are perhaps the most representative of their time and of the issues around which revolved the generation that Parti pris was representing. Drawing on theories of controversy, rhetoric and pragmatic speeches, our research aims to inform the reader of the articulation of Chamberland and Vallières’s thought, as well as the literary value of their work and their stylistic peculiarities. In addition to identifying an overview of the main issues addressed by the Parti pris’s leaders, this research questions the intentions that lie behind the discourse circulating in the revue and in the generation that was claiming it.

Master Thesis "Benjamin Murmelstein" introduces life and work of the last Jewish Elder of Terezin Ghetto who survived. The Thesis describes a formation of Jewish Councils during World War II and their tasks in general. In concrete it describes historical conditions of work of Benjamin Murmelstein before and during the War and also his life after the end of the War and aftermath of his work. Also different perspectives on work of Jewish Councils and Benjamin Murmelstein are introduced.

En décembre 2010, l'Espagne est devenue le pays avec le réseau à grande vitesse (GV) le plus étendu en Europe. Et au cours des années suivantes, les réalisations en cours augurent une mise en service progressive de nouvelles lignes. La question qui se pose est donc de savoir comment cette situation a été atteinte. Nous faisons l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'évolution de la GV espagnole est la conséquence directe de la façon dont cette politique publique a existé au niveau politique. En nous intéressant aux dynamiques de politisation d'une politique publique et en mobilisant deux traditions sociologiques différentes (la sociologie des champs et la sociologie des régimes d'énonciations), nous analysons la façon dont la GV est présente dans les différents lieux du politique (arènes) et est énoncée politiquement. L'analyse de ces dynamiques de politisation a été effectuée en trois temps. La première partie de notre recherche montre la façon dont le mythe politique de la GV s'est construit en Espagne à partir de la fin des années 1980 à la suite de la réalisation du premier projet de ligne à GV entre Madrid et Séville. Dans une deuxième partie, nous identifions trois cycles de politique publique au cours des années 1990 et 2000 qui ont abouti, à travers la production d'un consensus politique, à un fort développement de la GV. La dernière partie de notre thèse s'intéresse à l'émergence d'une controverse autour de la GV à travers le renforcement des forums de politiques publiques alternatifs et le déclenchement d'une dynamique de politisation divergente / In December 2010, Spain became the country with the largest high-speed rail (HSR) network in Europe. New lines under construction will be put into operation in the short term. In these circumstances the question is: how has this situation been reached? Our hypothesis is that the evolution of the HSR in Spain is a direct consequence of how this policy exists at the political level. By focusing on the politics of policy-making and bringing together two different sociological traditions (sociology of fields and sociology of enunciation regimes), we analyse how HSR issue exists within political arenas and how HSR is politically enounced. Our study is conducted in three stages. Firstly, we show how a political myth was constructed from the late of 1980s around the first Spanish HSR line project between Madrid and Sevilla. Secondly, we identify three public policy cycles between 1990 and 2010 producing a large political consensus and a strong development of the HSR. In the last part of our thesis, we analyse the emergency of a controversy about HSR policy through the strengthening of alternative policy forums and the generation of a divergent political dynamic

Esta tese aborda o fenômeno da complexidade da educação a distância e semipresencial segundo referenciais conceituais da modalidade, em diálogo com teorias sobre a comunicação digital, a epistemologia da complexidade, a teoria ator-rede e a cartografia das controvérsias. Investiga quem são os atores que constituem o agregado social educação a distância através do mapeamento de conflitos no fórum geral de discussão do primeiro curso semipresencial da USP, o curso de Licenciatura em Ciências, no período de novembro de 2010 a novembro de 2011. Na perspectiva deste trabalho, as controvérsias ocorreram devido à prevalência de uma visão humanocêntrica que deposita nos atores humanos a proeminência e a prevalência das ações, não reconhece que objetos, processos, encontros, entre outros actantes, são também mediadores e não simples intermediários ou atores coadjuvantes. A pesquisa procura demonstrar que a compreensão do que seja o social, conforme a Teoria Ator Rede, pode ajudar a explicar e a superar os entraves que a modalidade da educação a distância ainda enfrenta na sociedade brasileira. / This thesis approaches the phenomenon of complexity of distance and blended education according to conceptual references of the modality, in a dialogue with theories about digital communication, the epistemology of complexity, the actor-network theory, and the cartography of controversies. It investigates who are the actors that constitute the social aggregate of the distance education through mapping of the conflicts which arose in the general discussion forum of the first blended course taught at the University of São Paulo, Licentiate in Sciences, from November 2010 to November 2011. Under the perspective of this work, the controversies originated due to the prevalence of a view, which assigns to human actors the prominence and the prevalence of the actions and does not recognize that objects, processes, meetings, and encounters, among other, are also mediators and not just mere intermediary or supporting actors. This research intends to demonstrate that the understanding of what the social is, according to the actor-network theory, may help to explain and overcome the hindrance that the distance education modality still faces within Brazilian society.

L’expertise scientifique joue un rôle croissant dans la fabrique du politique dans les démocraties. Elle contribue à façonner et orienter les problèmes publics et leurs solutions, de façon relativement autonome par rapport à l’élection des décideurs. Ce rôle est justifié par la complexité grandissante des problèmes et solutions dans les sociétés techniques. Dans cette thèse, nous investiguons les fonctions de l’expertise scientifique jugée crédible par les décideurs. A contrario des prétentions universalistes de la Knowledge Literature et de l’Evidence-Based Policy, nous construisons une théorie de moyenne portée des usages spécifiques, d’une forme d’expertise particulière, dans un contexte donné. Un tel triptyque permet de réconcilier deux approches contradictoires de l’usage de l’expertise. L’une « externaliste » promue par l’analyse des politiques publiques explique son utilisation par le contexte. L’autre « internaliste » défendue par une variété de courants, la justifie par les caractéristiques propres de l’expertise. Pour ce faire, nous investiguons l’utilisation que font en France dans les années 2000 les ministères de la santé et de l’agriculture des expertises collectives INSERM et INRA – méthode d’expertise proche des revues systématiques de la littérature. Dans cette perspective, nous objectivons successivement : les critères d’appréciation des expertises collectives tels qu’utilisés par les décideurs, les types d’usages qu’ils attendent et font de ces expertises, les contextes dans lesquels ils les mobilisent. Notre investigation est aussi l’occasion de clarifier les indicateurs des types d’usage en même temps que les facteurs contextuels les favorisant. Nous mettons en lumière les effets d’autorité et de vérité des expertises collectives sur les acteurs du débat public et de cadrage sur les problèmes publics et leurs solutions. Nous rendons aussi compte de la façon dont l’expertise gagne sa crédibilité scientifique (et son producteur une légitimité scientifique ou réputation) auprès des décideurs. Croisant les travaux de la sociologie des sciences, et des études de la communication, nous établissons que la crédibilité de l’expertise dépend de la conjugaison d’investissements de forme et de fond. Nous montrons que ces dispositifs rhétoriques et pratiques ne sont pas librement accessibles mais exigent des connaissances et compétences particulières. Renouant avec la sociologie de l’expertise, nous constatons que la nature et la réputation de la méthode et des instituts sont le produit d’une histoire longue dans laquelle les chercheurs – leurs positions et représentations, leurs réflexions, actions et interactions – jouent un rôle clef. Sur un plan empirique, notre thèse constitue une des pièces du puzzle de l’émergence des expertises collectives et revues systématiques de littérature en France au cours des vingt dernières années.D’un point de vue méthodologique, notre thèse mobilise une variété de méthodes : qualitative (entretiens individuels, observations ethnographiques, travail d’archive, études de cas) et quantitative (statistiques descriptives, analyse de correspondances multiples et classification hiérarchique ascendante). / Scientific expertise plays a growing role in the policymaking process in democracies. It shapes public problems and their solutions relatively autonomously from the election process. This role is explained by the increasing complexity of problems and solutions in technical societies.In this thesis, we investigate the function of scientific expertise that is deemed credible by policymakers. Unlike scholars in the Knowledge Literature and the Evidence-Based Policy movement, we do not intend to express universalist claims. Instead, we build a middle range theory: one of a type of use of a specific kind of expertise within a particular context. This triptych (type of use-type of expertise-type of context) permits us to reconcile two contradictory approaches of the use of expertise: one “externalist” explains the type of use of expertise by the particular context in which it is used, another “internalist” explains the type of the use by the intrinsic qualities of the specific kind of expertise.In order to do this, we investigate how policymakers within the French ministries for Health and Agriculture use INSERM and INRA collective expertise – an expertise method close to systematic literature reviews.We successively display: the specific criteria policymakers use to assess the credibility of expertise, their intended and effective use of such knowledge, the context in which they order an experts’ report. Our investigation allows us to test and organize a set of indicators and contextual factors of the type of use.We demonstrate that these INSERM and INRA collective expertise appear as an authoritarian and truthful discourse to actors involved in the public debate. They frame public problems and their solutions.We also explain how expertise gains its scientific credibility in the eyes of policymakers. On the basis of recent works in the fields of science and technology studies and communication studies fields, we establish that the credibility of INSERM and INRA collective expertise derives from the implementation of rhetorical and practical devices in their production. We show that such devices are not ready-to-use: their implementation requires a set of knowledge and know-how.We also demonstrate that the very nature and reputation of the expertise and its producers are the result of a long process in which researchers play a key role: their career, position, representation, thoughts, actions and interactions.This thesis constitutes a missing piece in the systematic exploration of the growth of collective expertise and systematic literature reviews in France in the last twenty years.It is based on a variety of qualitative methods (interviews, observations, archive, case studies) as well as quantitative methods (statistics descriptive, factor analysis, hierarchical cluster analysis).

Submitted by Marlene Aparecida de Souza Cardozo (mcardozo@pucsp.br) on 2016-08-27T13:49:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tiago Cesar Santos.pdf: 1562598 bytes, checksum: e7f5a2a36a8399d8b7b89b6fc8f78523 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-27T13:49:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tiago Cesar Santos.pdf: 1562598 bytes, checksum: e7f5a2a36a8399d8b7b89b6fc8f78523 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo / This research aims to deepen the understanding of freedom of conscience in the thinking of Ellen G. White, focusing especially on the reflections contained in one of his works, The Great Controversy. Therefore this research describes the social, historical and religious lived by the author pointing out the main factors that influenced his life. Then we seek to understand what the relationship of her writings to the Bible, analyzing its hermeneutics. In the final part there is a description of the history of the work's composition, followed by an analysis of it, seeking to assess the impact that your thoughts have brought their time and still reflect today. Although Ellen G. White is not a theoretical renowned and considering its limitations and its little academic training their reflections produced a religious ethos in the name of which he was co-founder of the Seventh-day Adventists, who encouraged them to be very active in the defense these principles. Through this research it was found that continued operation is the result of a vision that integrates the theme of freedom of conscience not only a historical dimension, but also eschatological / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo aprofundar a compreensão da Liberdade de consciência no pensamento de Ellen G White, focando especialmente nas reflexões contidas em uma de suas obras, O Grande Conflito. Para tanto esta pesquisa descreve o contexto social, histórico e religioso vivido pela autora apontando os principais fatores que influenciaram sua vida. Em seguida procura-se compreender qual a relação de seus escritos com a Bíblia, analisando sua hermenêutica. Na parte final há uma descrição do histórico da composição da obra, seguida de uma análise da mesma, buscando avaliar o impacto que suas reflexões trouxeram para o seu tempo e que ainda refletem em nossos dias. Embora Ellen G White não seja uma teórica de renome e considerando suas limitações e seu pouco preparo acadêmico suas reflexões produziram um ethos religioso na denominação da qual foi co-fundadora, os Adventistas do Sétimo Dia, que estimulou-os a serem bem atuantes na defesa desses princípios. Por meio dessa pesquisa constatou-se que essa continua atuação é fruto de uma visão que integra a temática da liberdade de consciência não apenas a uma dimensão histórica, mas também escatológica