This Master's thesis dealt with securitization attempts related to the planned construction of a new reactor at the Dukovany NPP. Therefore, its aim was to find, analyse and explain securitization speech acts associated with the planned reactor, in the period from summer 2015 to December 2020 using the critical discourse analysis approach. The results show that securitization speech acts of this kind do appear in the Czech public sphere and are articulated mainly by four groups of actors: representatives of Austria, Czech environmental NGOs, Czech governmental representatives, and Czech political opposition. These actors have different goals: to stop the construction of the reactor, to implement the construction of the reactor, or to influence the way in which the construction will be implemented. One case of successful securitization was found in the outcome: The Czech government was able to enforce extraordinary measures that deviated from standard democratic processes using security-based arguments. Their goal was to implement the construction of the reactor. It remains to add that the research also revealed three important functional actors who co-created the discourse: the BIS secret service, the SÚJB nuclear safety office and the company ČEZ.

Climate change impose a major challenge to the world. About 23% of the world’s energy-related CO2 emissions derive from transportation. Urban freight transport has been increasing because of a growing demand for goods. Cities need to manage freight transportation to decrease its climate change impact. The purpose of this study is to investigate what the cities Gothenburg, Copenhagen, and Turku need in order to manage urban freight transport and what measures the cities have adapted to reduce the CO2 emissions deriving from urban freight transport. The study aims to reflect upon how the elements included in the practice of municipal freight transport management relate to the sustainable mobility paradigm and identify measures to decrease climate change impact and reach sustainable mobility. Social practice theory guided the analysis, where meanings, materials, and competences was searched for in the empirical material. Data was collected through a document analysis and interviews with employees at the cities’ administrations. The results showed that the reasons for managing freight is to reduce environmental and negative social impacts, ensure good ease of passage for freight transportation, strengthen the economy and create jobs, and avoid conflicting goals and find joint solutions. Needed materials are funding, guidelines, and personnel resources. Needed competences include taking a systems perspective, understanding the private sector, engaging in cooperation, seeking and managing funding, transport planning, and procurement and planning of the own municipal freight transportation. The need and behaviour that steers the freight transportation seem to be excluded from the freight transport management practice. This is the need for goods and its connected consumption behaviour. The cities’ adapted measures to reduce the climate change impact from freight transportation focus on technological and logistical improvements. The freight transport management practice includes features that are in line with the sustainable mobility paradigm as well as features that are not. To strengthen sustainable mobility, the inclusion of stakeholders when managing freight transport could be expanded to inhabitants and persons with competence in environmental and social aspects. / Klimatförändringar innebär en stor utmaning för världen. Ungefär 23% av världens energirelaterade CO2-utsläpp härstammar från transportsektorn. Urbana godstransporter fortsätter öka som ett resultat av en ökande efterfrågan på varor. Städer behöver hantera godstransportflöden för att minska klimatpåverkan från dem. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka vad städerna Göteborg, Köpenhamn och Åbo behöver för att hantera godstransporter och vilka åtgärder de har antagit för att minska CO2-utsläppen från dem. Studiens mål är att reflektera kring hur elementen i den kommunala godstransportshanteringspraktiken förhåller sig till det hållbara mobilitetsparadigmet och identifiera möjliga åtgärder för att minska klimatpåverkan och nå hållbar mobilitet.   Social praktikteori guidade analysen där betydelser, material och kompetenser identifierades från det empiriska materialet. Data insamlades genom dokumentanalys samt genom intervjuer med anställda vid städerna. Resultatet visar att anledningarna till att hantera godstransporter är att minska miljöpåverkan, minska negativ social påverkan, säkerställa god framkomlighet för godstransporterna, stärka ekonomin och skapa jobb samt undvika målkonflikter och hitta gemensamma lösningar. Material som behövs inkluderar finansiering, riktlinjer samt personella resurser. Kompetenser som behövs är systemperspektiv, förståelse för den privata sektorn, söka och hantera finansiering, samarbetsförmåga, transportplanering samt upphandling och planering av stadens egna interna godstransporter. Behovet och beteendet som styr godstransporterna verkar vara exkluderat från praktiken. Detta är behovet av varor samt konsumtionsbeteendet som är kopplat till det. Åtgärderna som städerna har antagit för att minska klimatpåverkan från godstransporter fokuserar på tekniska och logistiska lösningar. Själva praktiken innehåller både drag som är i linje med det hållbara mobilitetsparadigmet och drag som inte är det. Den hållbara mobiliteten skulle stärkas ifall deltagandet breddas så att privatpersoner och personer med kompetens inom miljö och sociala aspekter också inkluderas i godstransporthanteringen.

In this review study, we ask ourselves if decoherence theory can solve the problems of measurement in quantum mechanics. After an introduction to decoherence theory, we present the problem of preferred basis, the problem of non-observability of interference and the problem of definite outcomes. We present Zurek's theory of environment induced superselection rules and find that the problem of preferred basis and the problem of non-observability of interference can be solved through decoherence theory, but not the problem of outcomes, if we accept the eigenstate-eigenvalue link and the Born statistical interpretation. We reveal that these two concepts are essential in the Copenhagen interpretations of quantum mechanics, and give an account for von Neumann's and Wigner's conscious collapse interpretation as well as a detailed description of Bohr's and Heisenberg's interpretation. We discuss how Bohr's and Heisenberg's interpretation relates to decoherence with a special emphasis on the irreducibility of classical concepts as interpreted by Don Howard. During the discussion, we critique Wigner's use of the word "consciousness" as opposed to von Neumann's use, as well as Howard's decisively ontological approach to Bohr through an antithetical Kantian approach. We conclude by stating that decoherence theory cannot decisively solve the problem of definite outcomes of quantum mechanics, even when considering it in relation to the Copenhagen interpretation.

La Turquie va-t-elle adhérer à l'Union européenne? Sa candidature a toujours été sujette à critiques: droits de l'homme non respectés, restrictions des droits et libertés, notamment de la liberté d'expression, de religion et des droits politiques. Les dossiers sensibles comme le problème kurde et la question chypriote sont à l'origine des multiples plaintes contre l'État turc devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Dotée des caractéristiques essentielles d'un État moderne et laïque, le pays dispose de structures formellement démocratiques, mais sa démocratie se révèle fragile: ses politiques tant internes qu'externes sont décidées par un Conseil national de sécurité composé pour l'essentiel de militaires. En outre, l'armée qui a pris le pouvoir à maintes reprises a donné au régime une dimension autoritaire. Cela non seulement en vertu des principes fondateurs de la République (tradition centralisatrice de l'État turc), mais aussi de la priorité que l'institution militaire accorde à la sécurité, à l'unité et à l'identité nationales. En effet, les mesures d'exception (état d'urgence, cours de sûreté de l'État, loi anti-terroriste) ont contribué aux violations des droits de l'homme, d'où l'opposition entre le droit conventionnel et le droit national. De plus, le système judiciaire et administratif instauré par les militaires en 1982 n'est pas conçu dans l'intérêt des justiciables. Certes, l'accès à la modernité n'a pu se faire que sous la contrainte et le contrôle de l'armée, mais le régime en Turquie peut-il continuer à s'appuyer sur les«piliers de l'ordre» que sont l'armée, la police et la justice ? L’État semble cependant se réorganiser progressivement pour permettre au pouvoir politique d'assurer un contrôleur les forces de sécurité et pour donner une meilleure indépendance à la justice. Le processus mis en route et les critères imposés pour l'adhésion à l'UE devraient contribuer à mettre en œuvre les réformes institutionnelles capables d'harmoniser la démocratie à l'État de droit, à l'image des pays européens. En effet, les changements récents sont liés à l'agenda européen. Le gouvernement turc semble être déterminé et ambitieux dans sa vocation européenne. Les progrès réalisés pour intégrer l'UE lui sont un moteur de propulsion devant servir au pays et à sa population. / The issue of the accession of Turkey to the European Union is one of the most controversial topics as regards to human rights. The sensitive issues such as the kurdish problem and the conflict with Cyprus are the main cause of the most restrictions of the rights and freedoms and complaints lodged against the Turkish State before the European court of Human Rights. Turkey has the essential characteristics of a modern and secular state, but its democracy prove to be fragile. Thus, the powerful role of the army in many areas of political life can be explained by the malfunctioning of the democracy, giving to the régime an authoritative aspect. The Turkish army is seen as the guardian of the unity, security and identity of the nation. Indeed, the access to modernity is due to the control of the army, but the régime in Turkey needs to undertake major policy reforms to converge with European Union policies. The judicial and administrative system set by the army in 1982 does not sufficiently protect the justiciable. The exceptional measures such as state of emergency, security state courts, anti-terrorist law contributed to the violation of human rights and emphasized the contradiction between conventional law and national law. Turkey has made progress towards modifying its legal system in order to give more independence and impartiality. The accession partnership will certainly enable Turkey to review its Constitution and relevant legislation in providing basic freedoms, the rule of law and respect of human rights in conformity with the European Union's own standards. Turkey's inclusion in the enlargement process has not only increased European Union leverage over Turkish politics, but revitalized Turkey's European vocation.

Im Idealfall bilden die Kopenhagener Kriterien zusammen mit dem Art.-7-Verfahren EUV einen lückenlosen Schutzmechanismus der EU-Werte. Die Verfassungskrisen in Ungarn und Polen haben allerdings nicht nur die Schwächen des Art.-7-Verfahren aufgedeckt, sondern auch die Frage aufgeworfen, ob die gegenwärtige Anwendungsweise des Kopenhagener Mechanismus ausreichend ist. Da das Beitrittsverfahren an sich Regierung-zentrisch ist, ist es offenkundig, dass dieses Verfahren nicht viel dazu beiträgt, die Bürger in den politischen Prozess ihres Landes einzubinden und die Zivilgesellschaft zu stärken. Es dauert eine gewisse Zeit, bis die konstitutionelle Grundwerte in die Herzen der Bürger eines neulich demokratisierten Landes gebracht werden. Die EU wurde allerdings dadurch unter Zeitdruck gesetzt, dass sie die Osterweiterung in einem relativ kurzen Zeitraum vollenden musste, um die Gunst der Stunde für ein vereintes Europa nutzen können. Der aktuellen Zustand der EU entspricht dem echten Bund im Schmittschen Sinn. Die Substanz der Homogenität in einem echten Bund ist das Produkt des Zusammenspiels der Verfassungsordnung des Bundes und seiner Mitglieder. Daraus ergibt sich, dass mit jedem Beitritt eines neuen Mitgliedstaats die Verfassungsidentität der EU mit einer neuen Verfassungsidentität angereichert und wesentlich geändert wird. Wenn man die Eingriffskapazität der EU in die innerstaatlichen Verfassungsordnungen über die heutige Intensität hinaus noch verstärken will, darf man die politische Natur der Werte-Frage in einem echten Bund nicht außer Acht lassen. Der Priorisierung der politischen Kriterien vor den wirtschaftlichen Kriterien, mit der die EU die Beitrittsverhandlungen durchgeführt hat, ist für Taiwans China-Politik ebenso wichtig. Eine entscheidende Aufgabe für Taiwan ist, klar zu machen, dass Taiwan politische Verhandlungen nur mit einem Ansprechpartner führen wird, der die gleichen politischen Werte einhält. / In the course of developing a general theory aiming at reversing and preventing the deterioration of political values in the European and East-Asian context, this study answered two sets of questions. First, on the empirical level, how reasonable and effective are the current pre-accession evaluations? Regarding the existing deterioration in the post-accession context, does it reflect any short coming in the way the EU implements the Copenhagen Criteria? Since Taiwan has not established such monitoring mechanism yet, what are the damages already done to Taiwan’s constitutional values? Second, on the normative level, this study followed two very different approaches. On the one hand, it clarified where the limits of judicial solution to this problem are. The fact that the sanction procedures prescribed in the current Art. 7 TEU take the form of collective actions revealed that what is at stake here is a shared value system. On the other hand, this study took into account the interaction between law and politics. The accession of new member states, as well the sanction against member states which failed to respect the political values of the Union, are in essence political decisions of the European Union. Since Taiwan needs to set up political conditions for it negotiations with China, the task is highly political, too. By identifying elements that caused or prevented the deterioration of political values, this study proposed suggestions for correcting and preventing deterioration by understanding its operation. A protective mechanism for Taiwan’s political values can create a reverse “lock-in effect.” By enunciating stringent negotiation guidelines and a code of conduct for Taiwanese government that requires cautiousness and vigilance, this mechanism will place the cross-strait negotiations under a legal framework which ensures that any given Taiwanese government could not sacrifice Taiwan’s constitutional values in exchange for advancing its political agenda.

La Turquie va-t-elle adhérer à l'Union européenne? Sa candidature a toujours été sujette à critiques: droits de l'homme non respectés, restrictions des droits et libertés, notamment de la liberté d'expression, de religion et des droits politiques. Les dossiers sensibles comme le problème kurde et la question chypriote sont à l'origine des multiples plaintes contre l'État turc devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. Dotée des caractéristiques essentielles d'un État moderne et laïque, le pays dispose de structures formellement démocratiques, mais sa démocratie se révèle fragile: ses politiques tant internes qu'externes sont décidées par un Conseil national de sécurité composé pour l'essentiel de militaires. En outre, l'armée qui a pris le pouvoir à maintes reprises a donné au régime une dimension autoritaire. Cela non seulement en vertu des principes fondateurs de la République (tradition centralisatrice de l'État turc), mais aussi de la priorité que l'institution militaire accorde à la sécurité, à l'unité et à l'identité nationales. En effet, les mesures d'exception (état d'urgence, cours de sûreté de l'État, loi anti-terroriste) ont contribué aux violations des droits de l'homme, d'où l'opposition entre le droit conventionnel et le droit national. De plus, le système judiciaire et administratif instauré par les militaires en 1982 n'est pas conçu dans l'intérêt des justiciables. Certes, l'accès à la modernité n'a pu se faire que sous la contrainte et le contrôle de l'armée, mais le régime en Turquie peut-il continuer à s'appuyer sur les«piliers de l'ordre» que sont l'armée, la police et la justice ? L’État semble cependant se réorganiser progressivement pour permettre au pouvoir politique d'assurer un contrôleur les forces de sécurité et pour donner une meilleure indépendance à la justice. Le processus mis en route et les critères imposés pour l'adhésion à l'UE devraient contribuer à mettre en œuvre les réformes institutionnelles capables d'harmoniser la démocratie à l'État de droit, à l'image des pays européens. En effet, les changements récents sont liés à l'agenda européen. Le gouvernement turc semble être déterminé et ambitieux dans sa vocation européenne. Les progrès réalisés pour intégrer l'UE lui sont un moteur de propulsion devant servir au pays et à sa population. / The issue of the accession of Turkey to the European Union is one of the most controversial topics as regards to human rights. The sensitive issues such as the kurdish problem and the conflict with Cyprus are the main cause of the most restrictions of the rights and freedoms and complaints lodged against the Turkish State before the European court of Human Rights. Turkey has the essential characteristics of a modern and secular state, but its democracy prove to be fragile. Thus, the powerful role of the army in many areas of political life can be explained by the malfunctioning of the democracy, giving to the régime an authoritative aspect. The Turkish army is seen as the guardian of the unity, security and identity of the nation. Indeed, the access to modernity is due to the control of the army, but the régime in Turkey needs to undertake major policy reforms to converge with European Union policies. The judicial and administrative system set by the army in 1982 does not sufficiently protect the justiciable. The exceptional measures such as state of emergency, security state courts, anti-terrorist law contributed to the violation of human rights and emphasized the contradiction between conventional law and national law. Turkey has made progress towards modifying its legal system in order to give more independence and impartiality. The accession partnership will certainly enable Turkey to review its Constitution and relevant legislation in providing basic freedoms, the rule of law and respect of human rights in conformity with the European Union's own standards. Turkey's inclusion in the enlargement process has not only increased European Union leverage over Turkish politics, but revitalized Turkey's European vocation.

This thesis addresses the topic of the effectiveness of negotiation in the climate change regime, which is examined in connection with leadership theory. The goal of this thesis is to find out, if selected actors behaved as leaders during climate change conferences and if their behavior contributed to the effectiveness of negotiation in the climate change regime. Effectiveness of negotiation is examined at three selected climate change conferences, more specifically at the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference (2009), Cancún Climate Change Conference (2010) and Paris Climate Change Conference (2015). The leadership role is examined at above mentioned conferences with connection to the European Union, the USA and China. The research of leadership is based on the congruence method, which is based on examination of observable predictions established from theory. This thesis reached the conclusion, that the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference was not effective, on the contrary the Climate Change Conferences in Cancún and Paris were assessed as effective. In connection to fulfillment of conditions of leadership, the thesis reached the conclusion, that at the Copenhagen Climate Change Conference none of the actors acted as a leader, at the Cancún Climate Change Conference the European Union acted as a...

Die invasiven und metastatischen Eigenschaften vieler Tumore werden mit einer Veränderung im physiologischen Gleichgewicht der Matrix Metalloproteinasen (MMP) und ihrer spezifischen und unspezifischen Inhibitoren in Zusammenhang gebracht. Das Ziel dieser Dissertation war es, die Wirkung von Batimastat, einem synthetischen Inhibitor der MMP, auf hormonabhängige und hormonunabhängige Prostatakarzinomzellinien sowie auf das Tumorwachstum im orthotopen Tumormodell des Dunning Tumor (R3327) zu untersuchen. Methoden: Im Zellkulturversuch wurde die Wirkung verschiedener Konzentrationen von Batimastat untersucht und die Proliferation mit dem MTT Test gemessen. Die Induktion des orthotopen Tumors erfolgte durch Inokulation von MATLyLu Zellen in die Rattenprostata (Dunning Tumor der Copenhagen Ratte). 10 Tiere wurden nach Tumorinduktion täglich mit 30 mg/kg Batimastat durch intraperitoneale Gabe behandelt, 10 weitere Ratten erhielten nur das Vehikel. Zehn Kontrolltiere blieben unbehandelt. Der Effekt auf des lokale Tumorwachstum wurden durch Bestimmung des Tumorgewichtes nach 20 Tagen definiert. Results:Batimastat zeigte eine dosisabhänige Hemmung des Wachstums der Prostatakarzinomzellinien in vitro. Bei 4000 ng/ml kam es zu einer eindeutigen Hemmung des Zellwachstums. Im Tierversuch fand sich nach 20 Tagen in der Kontrollgruppe ein mittleres Tumorgewicht von 18.9 ± 5,4 g, in der Vehikelgruppe von 22.3 ± 4,3 g und in der mit Batimastat behandelten Gruppe von 11.1 ± 2,6 g. Im Vergleich zur Kontroll- und Vehikelgruppe, zeigte sich in der Batimastatgruppe ein signifikant geringeres Tumorgewicht. Zusammenfassung: Batimastat kann das Tumorwachstum in einem Standardtiermodell des Prostatakarzinoms vermindern. Der Dunning Tumor der Copenhagen Ratte ist ein zuverlässiges Tiermodell zur weiteren Untersuchung von synthetischen Inhibitoren der MMP. / Background: Increased concentrations of metalloproteinases are associated with the invasive and metastatic behavior of several human malignant tumors. Normally, enzymatic activity is tightly regulated by nonspecific mechanisms and specific inhibitors. The aim of this dissertation was to determine the potential of a synthetic metallproteinase inhibitor, batimastat, to show its in vitro effect on hormonedependent and hormoneindependent prostate cancer cell lines and its in vivo effect on tumor growth in orthotopic cancer (R3327 Dunning tumor) in rats. Methods: In vitro, a dose response curve of batimastat was generated over 5 days using the MTT assay. Prostate cancer was injected in vivo in male Copenhagen rats by inoculating R3327 Dunning tumor cells (MATLyLu) into the ventral prostatic lobe of 30 rats. Each of 10 rats received batimastat (30 mg / kg / body weight) or vehicle once a day by i.p. application beginning the day of cell inoculation. Ten rats remained untreated. The effect on local tumor growth was evaluated by measuring tumor weights 20 days after tumor cell inoculation. Results: Significant inhibiton of tumor cell proliferation in vitro occurred at 4000 ng / ml batimastat. After orthotopic cell inoculation, tumors grew to mean weights of 18.9 ± 5,4 g in the control group without treatment, to 22.3 ± 4,3 g in the vehicle group, an to 11.1 ± 2,6 g in the treated group. In comparison to the control group and to the vehicle group, tumor weights increased significantly less under treatment with batimastat. Conclusions: Batimastat is able to reduce tumor growth in the standard prostate cancer model. Using this model, activity against cancer progression of future inhibitory agents can be reliably assessed.