This thesis attempts to assess the security aspect of the Barcelona Process (Process), or so called Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) within the theoretical framework of new regionalism and the Copenhagen School (Security complex theory) which agrees with neo/realism, neo-liberal institutionalism and constructivism in some aspects. The end of the Cold War broadened the security agenda and new security concerns emerged. Actually, most of the so- called security threats are not new, but the perception of them by the states has changed with globalization which increased the interconnectedness and density of the interaction. Global challenges have made states more vulnerable so appreciated the cooperative interaction at regional level. Comprehensive and cooperative security approaches gained importance and led regional security partnership among states. The construction of Euro-Mediterranean security partnership is one case stemming from the high level of interdependence between the European and the Mediterranean countries. The historical ties, economic dependency, geographical proximity increased the EU’s interest towards the Mediterranean. While new regionalism enables to grasp systemic factors in the Process, the Copenhagen School permits to understand security partnership at the regional level. The rise of illegal immigration flows and religious fundamentalism in the Mediterranean as well as tension in the Middle East conflict, the Iraqi War, and terrorist attacks to the US, Algeria and recently Turkey appreciated the importance of the EMP policy and security cooperation so make this study more crucial. This study showed that the security challenges in five sectors of the security defined by the Copenhagen School are observable in the EMP’s case. Both military and non-military concerns threaten the stability and prosperity in the Mediterranean Basin. The three baskets of the EMP depict its comprehensive security approach. Having made an overview of the Barcelona Process, the thesis evaluated the security challenges in general and the thematic areas of concerns in depth. Since security cannot be defined without reference to the perceptions and security cultures of the actors, the study examined the perceptions and security cultures in the EMP. The evaluation of the EMP showed that the EMP has shown certain developments on the way for the security cooperation. However, it could not produce tangible results due to the fundamental shortcomings categorized as inter and intra-institutional incoherence, definitional/perceptional problems and multi- actor involvement in the region. The lack of institutional structures, asymmetrical relations among partners, unbalanced distribution of powers and lack of commitment of the EU are crucial problems. On the basis of all problems lie the gap between the perceptions and security culture of Europe and the Arab world. Thus, this thesis emphasizes the enhancement of inter- subjective understanding and cultural dialogue in order to improve trust and interaction among partners. The EMP is on right track to build zone of peace in the Basin, but it requires longue durée to achieve this.

The purpose of this study is to present if it is the EU’s dissemination of norms or other factors that affects Kosovo’s accession as a candidate country to the EU. The purpose was answered by finding out to what extent Kosovo can meet EU standards and values in terms of the Copenhagen criteria first criterion of stable institutions. Furthermore, what forms of dissemination the EU have used in trying to spread these standards. The study has used a main theory called Normative Power Europe, by Ian Manners, which describes the EU as a normative force and its mechanism of spreading values towards third-party countries. The conclusion in this study is that the biggest factor in why Kosovo isn’t a candidate country to the EU is because of the state’s infected conflict with Serbia.The conflict with Serbia is the basis of all the factors that keeps Kosovo to fail to meet EU requirements. Although, the EU have made improvements constitutionally since its increased commitment after 2008, the constitution hasn’t been implemented in practice by the Kosovan regime. The conflict needs to be resolved before Kosovo can take the next step and adapt to the rest of Europe.

This study investigates how the European Union may have an impact on countries before and after accession to the union applying the theory of conditionality through a case study of Romania. To answer the main objective of this study, three research questions will be answered, theses are: 1) How have the process of Romania looked like before and after accession to a membership in European Union? 2) How has the development of the Political Criteria been before and after its accession to European Union? 3) How does the theory of conditionality work during and after Romania´s accession to the European Union. The study will use the methodology of a qualitative desk study with the theoretical framework of conditionality and the Copenhagen Political Criteria. The study has concluded that Romania faces similar problems with the political criteria as they did almost twenty years ago. It also concludes that the EU conditionality have had impact on Romania both before and after their accession the EU, but just to some extent.

Submitted by Andrea Hayashi (deachan@gmail.com) on 2016-06-20T15:04:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao-luiz-ben-hassanal-machado-da-silva.pdf: 1764576 bytes, checksum: 0ab2e29a4b1972b424391d78ad6d9687 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Andrea Hayashi (deachan@gmail.com) on 2016-06-20T15:05:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao-luiz-ben-hassanal-machado-da-silva.pdf: 1764576 bytes, checksum: 0ab2e29a4b1972b424391d78ad6d9687 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-20T15:05:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao-luiz-ben-hassanal-machado-da-silva.pdf: 1764576 bytes, checksum: 0ab2e29a4b1972b424391d78ad6d9687 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-15 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Nessa investigação nos concentraremos no período de consolidação da teoria quântica, sobretudo naquilo que toca o livro A Lógica da Pesquisa Científica, de 1934. O centro da investigação é à crítica de Popper ao pensamento indutivista e subjetivista de Heisenberg, que por meio de considerações da filosofia da linguagem e com o apoio de defensores da filosofia positivista, construiu com outros partidários da chamada Interpretação de Copenhague a interpretação hegemônica da teoria quântica. O dedutivismo realista de Popper , apresentado no livro Lógica da Pesquisa Científica, visa combater essa visão, através de uma defesa da objetividade e do realismo que escapou dos limites da Epistemologia e ganhou ares éticos. Popper defendeu a Interpretação Estatística, que é um ramo da teoria corpuscular. Demonstraremos como que a interpretação acerca do alcance da Epistemologia opõe esses pensadores. Para Heisenberg a objetividade devia ser deixada de lado, a partir da constatação empírica do Princípio de Incerteza. O método científico deve, segundo o físico alemão, limitar os conceitos da linguagem clássica e aplica-los nas descrições dos fenômenos quânticos segundo as limitações operacionais dos conceitos. Para Popper, a metodologia dispensa questões linguísticas e apreende o método científico como sendo baseado na testabilidade, o que impõe que a análise epistemológica seja feita somente após a teoria ter sido conjecturada. Investigaremos a partir do pensamento de Popper e veremos como sua defesa do falseacionismo impõe uma interpretação da teoria quântica diferente daquela preconizada por Heisenberg. / In this investigation we will focus on the period of consolidation of the quantum theory, specially, on what concerns the book Logic of Scientific Discovery, of 1934. The center of this investigation is the Popper‟s critics to the inductivism and subjectivism of Heisenberg thought that, through concepts of the philosophy of language and the support of positivist philosophy advocates, built with other supporters of Copenhagen Interpretation, the hegemonic interpretation of quantum theory. The realistic deductivism of Popper, submitted in the Logic of Scientific Discovery, aim to tackle this position, through a defense of objectivity and realism that pushed the boundaries of epistemology and acquired ethical air. Popper supported the statistical interpretation of quantum theory, a branch of corpuscular interpretation. We will show how the interpretation of the epistemological range opposes these thinkers. To Heisenberg the objectivity must be set apart from the empirical realization of the Principle of Uncertainty. The scientific method, according to the German physicist, must limit the concepts of classical language and apply them in the quantum phenomena descriptions according to the operational limitations of concepts. According to Popper, the methodology exempts linguistic questions and perceives the scientific method as grounded on testability, which imposes that the epistemological analysis has to be made only after the theory has been conjectured. We will investigate from the thought of Popper and we will see how his defense of falseacionism imposes an interpretation of the quantum theory different from those preconized by Heisenberg.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Tendo como pressuposto teórico a regionalização das questões de segurança internacional no pós Guerra Fria, esta dissertação objetiva realizar uma análise comparativa da Política de Defesa de três potências regionais, quais sejam, África do Sul, Brasil e Índia, identificando percepção de ameaça no âmbito das suas políticas de defesa. Para fazê-lo, fez-se necessário ter em consideração as capacidades materiais (inspirado no neorrealismo e realismo neoclássico), e os aspectos relativos à percepção de ameaças, numa dimensão ampliada dos estudos de segurança (inspirados pela Escola de Copenhague). Com isso em mente, este trabalho lida com a literatura sobre a segurança regional e as potências regionais, a qual se baseia em vários pressupostos teóricos Neorrealistas, Realistas Neoclássicos e da Escola de Copenhague. A proposição heurística que guia este trabalho é, dado que a percepção de ameaça externa vem de uma leitura, feita pelo Estado, do seu contexto regional, um Estado com baixo nível de ameaças externas tende a vincular de forma mais intensiva de segurança com o desenvolvimento. As fontes utilizadas são dados quantitativos (Composite Index of National Capabilities do projeto Correlates of War), que permitem avaliar a distribuição de capacidades materiais em três regiões (América do Sul, África do Sul, e no Sul da Ásia) e, principalmente, as políticas declaratórias de defesa, os documentos que carregam percepção dos Estados em relação à segurança. Na comparação dos casos, dois aspectos são o foco para a análise do discurso de segurança: as percepções de segurança sobre as suas regiões, o nexo entre segurança e desenvolvimento. / Having as theoretical assumption the regionalization of security issues on the post Cold War period, this dissertation aims is to carry out a comparative analysis of the Defense Policy of three regional powers, namely Brazil, India and South Africa, identifying threat perception in the framework of their Defense Policies. In order to do it, both material capabilities (inspired by Neorealism), and the aspects concerning the perception of threats and widening security studies (inspired by the Copenhagen School) are taken into consideration. Theoretically, this work draws on the literature on regional security and regional powers, which builds upon several assumptions made by Neorrealists, Neoclassical Realists and Copenhagen School thinkers. My heuristic proposition is that, given that foreign threat perceptions come from a State reading of its regional context, a State with low level of foreign threats tends to link more intensively security with development. The sources used are quantitative data (COWs Composite Index of National Capabilities) which allows evaluating the distribution of material capabilities in three regions (South America, Southern Africa, and the South Asia) and mainly the declaratory defense policies, documents that carry States perception regarding security. In the comparison of cases, three aspects for discourse analysis: the security perceptions about their regions, the nexus between security and development.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Tendo como pressuposto teórico a regionalização das questões de segurança internacional no pós Guerra Fria, esta dissertação objetiva realizar uma análise comparativa da Política de Defesa de três potências regionais, quais sejam, África do Sul, Brasil e Índia, identificando percepção de ameaça no âmbito das suas políticas de defesa. Para fazê-lo, fez-se necessário ter em consideração as capacidades materiais (inspirado no neorrealismo e realismo neoclássico), e os aspectos relativos à percepção de ameaças, numa dimensão ampliada dos estudos de segurança (inspirados pela Escola de Copenhague). Com isso em mente, este trabalho lida com a literatura sobre a segurança regional e as potências regionais, a qual se baseia em vários pressupostos teóricos Neorrealistas, Realistas Neoclássicos e da Escola de Copenhague. A proposição heurística que guia este trabalho é, dado que a percepção de ameaça externa vem de uma leitura, feita pelo Estado, do seu contexto regional, um Estado com baixo nível de ameaças externas tende a vincular de forma mais intensiva de segurança com o desenvolvimento. As fontes utilizadas são dados quantitativos (Composite Index of National Capabilities do projeto Correlates of War), que permitem avaliar a distribuição de capacidades materiais em três regiões (América do Sul, África do Sul, e no Sul da Ásia) e, principalmente, as políticas declaratórias de defesa, os documentos que carregam percepção dos Estados em relação à segurança. Na comparação dos casos, dois aspectos são o foco para a análise do discurso de segurança: as percepções de segurança sobre as suas regiões, o nexo entre segurança e desenvolvimento. / Having as theoretical assumption the regionalization of security issues on the post Cold War period, this dissertation aims is to carry out a comparative analysis of the Defense Policy of three regional powers, namely Brazil, India and South Africa, identifying threat perception in the framework of their Defense Policies. In order to do it, both material capabilities (inspired by Neorealism), and the aspects concerning the perception of threats and widening security studies (inspired by the Copenhagen School) are taken into consideration. Theoretically, this work draws on the literature on regional security and regional powers, which builds upon several assumptions made by Neorrealists, Neoclassical Realists and Copenhagen School thinkers. My heuristic proposition is that, given that foreign threat perceptions come from a State reading of its regional context, a State with low level of foreign threats tends to link more intensively security with development. The sources used are quantitative data (COWs Composite Index of National Capabilities) which allows evaluating the distribution of material capabilities in three regions (South America, Southern Africa, and the South Asia) and mainly the declaratory defense policies, documents that carry States perception regarding security. In the comparison of cases, three aspects for discourse analysis: the security perceptions about their regions, the nexus between security and development.

This essay examines the European Union’s (EU) ability to play a leading role as a global actor on the world stage in international relations. Specifically, this essay studies the EU’s role of negotiator in the UN Climate Change Conference in Copenhagen in December 2009.  This essay also analyzes explanations for this role. Research is based on case studies, with conclusions drawn using an inductive approach. Analyses are based on International Relations Theory, with conclusions derived from the two main approaches in IR-theory - Realism and Liberalism. It is noted that the EU wanted to play an important role in the negotiations, through leading by example and consistently working towards a common, universal treaty for all involved, which is consistent with the Liberalist approach. However, the conference ended with the American president negotiating alone with four other countries, leaving the remaining one hundred and eighty-eight countries to either accept or reject the agreement without changes. This supports the Realist approach in IR-theory.  Therefore, the essay’s overall conclusions demonstrate that both the Liberalist and Realist approaches were present during this conference.

Abstract The thesis investigates how the European Union promotes stability and security in the Mediterranean region. The aim is to analyse the European Union’s security ambitions with Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the Barcelona Process. An analytical framework with five sectors (military, political, economic, environmental and societal), based on the Copenhagen School’s theories about security sectors and securitization, is used for the analysis. Within the framework threats, objectives and methods are categorized into each security sector. Then it is possible to distinguish if any sector is more prioritised by the EU. Qualitative text analysis is used to examine relevant EU-documents. The result of the analysis shows that the European Union prioritizes the economical and societal sector in promoting peace and security within the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. Through economical integration and cultural dialogue, the EU tries to enhance security and stability. The EU emphasises the importance of global governance and international law for a stable peace. The study concludes that the widened concept of security, within the Copenhagen School, can help to explain the European Union’s work inside the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership.

[pt] A tese questiona a marginalização da violência pela literatura dos Estudos de Segurança, o que promoveu o afastamento do campo da dimensão política. Os movimentos de alargamento e aprofundamento tornaram a discussão teórica de Segurança mais rica, mas, ao deixarem de problematizar a violência, levaram à ruptura da relação produtiva entre teoria e prática que norteava os estudos da disciplina desde a sua origem. Desta forma, temas complexos como as novas guerras explicitam a ausência do debate conceitual sobre violência na literatura de Segurança, ocasionando uma carência explicativa para o entendimento desse elemento. Esta tese evidencia que nas novas guerras a violência deixa de ser um meio para se tornar um fim em si mesmo. Ela mostra que os atores envolvidos no conflito armado optam por perpetuar a violência porque esta proporciona ganhos que não são possíveis em tempos de paz. Como alternativa para suprimir essa lacuna explicativa da Segurança, sugere-se que o diálogo da Escola de Copenhague com os Estudos para a Paz, especialmente do processo de securitização com a tipologia da violência, devolve o instrumento conceitual - o próprio conceito de violência - aos Estudos de Segurança e restabelece a relação produtiva entre teoria e prática. O caso do cerco a Sarajevo é trazido como ilustração para o problema e a dinâmica que esta tese explicita. / [en] The dissertation focuses on the marginalization of violence by security studies. While the widening and deepening of security contributed positively to theoretical debates in the field, these moves led to a breakdown of the productive relationship between theory and practice that had characterized the discipline since its genesis. In this way, themes such as the new wars highlight the absence of a conceptual debate about violence in security studies, leading to a lack of explanatory capacity for understanding violence. The dissertation shows that violence becomes an end unto itself as the new wars offer incentives absent in everyday politics. The text suggests, with a view to filling this analytical lacuna within security studies, increased dialogue between the speech act approach espoused by the Copenhagen School and typologies of violence established by scholars within peace studies. Such a dialogue would bring back to security studies the important analytical focus on violence, thus reestablishing a productive relationship between theory and practice. As an illustrative example, the dissertation uses the siege of Sarajevo.

The present thesis deals with the changing status position of the army in the French defence policy according to the expanded security concept of the Copenhagen school. The concept of security in France has changed after the end of the Cold War, the consequent disappearance of the threat represented by the clash of the East and West and with the expansion of the threat sector and referent objects. It was necessary that the role of the state and its army has to change based on the newly defined threats. Throughout French history its army occupied an important position as it ensured France its independence and grandeur. However, events associated with the end of the Cold War have resulted in changes in the French defence policy. There is an expansion in the tasks that the military must assume to protect its state. On the basis of three factors (France's approach to the international system, the protection of the individual and the receding role of the army) the present thesis analyzes the changing role of the army in the defence of France.