Dés la réorganisation de l'aviation civile en italie après la Seconde Guerre Mondial, le personnel navigant technique, grâce aux caractéristiques de son identité professionnelle valorisée par l'efficacité organisationnelle et politique de ses instances représentatives au niveau national et international, arrive à obtenir non seulement un statut professionnel mais aussi une légitimisation politique qui ne sera pas vraiment remise en cause jusqu'à la faillite de la compagnie nationale Alitalia. La recherche vise à étudier sous l'angle historique le travail du personnel navigant technique afin d'appréhender l'évolution de cette catégorie professionnelle et de comprendre les origine du phénomène corporatiste. / The research project aims to document and discuss from the historical point of wiew the work of civilian pilots and their workers' representatives in order to consider the origins and evolution giving rive to a corporatist union model in Italy after the Second World War.

This article contributes to a thriving line of research that examines issue interpretation and social accounts in order to study the adoption and diffusion of organizational concepts and management practices. It employs the empirical example of the rise of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in Austria between 1990 and 2005 to investigate the complex role institutional pressures and social positions of actors play in the local adoption of globally theorized ideas. More specifically, the study reveals distinct patterns in rhetorical CSR adoption that illustrate the initial hesitation and reluctance of an established elite in the Austrian business community towards the Anglo-American notion of 'explicit' CSR, while non-elite actors who were less favourably positioned in the social order readily embraced the concept. It is in such a sense that CSR is nevertheless instrumentalized to challenge, reinterpret, or explicitly evoke the autochthonous idea of institutionalized social solidarity. Conceptually, this research takes into account social structure, actors' positions in the social order, and resulting divergent adoption motivations - i.e. the individual, yet socially derived, relevance systems of actors - and relates them to mechanisms and processes of institutional change. (author's abstract)

This thesis provides an examination of the emergence and development of Sir Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists in the Midlands between 1932 and 1940. It charts the fascist presence in four major cities: Birmingham, Stoke-on-Trent, Coventry and Leicester. The BUF is the largest and most important fascist movement to have ever existed in Britain. Mosleyite fascism in the Midlands as a region has never before been investigated and represents a significant gap in the historiography of British fascist studies. Alongside affording valuable insight into Mosleyite fascism at the regional level, the study will illuminate further understanding of the BUF nationally. The fascist experience in the Midlands is used to test and contribute to arguments about the national movement in the secondary literature relating to three themes: (a) the social class composition of BUF membership; (b) the strength of BUF membership; and (c) the focus of BUF propaganda. Finally, four main areas generally recognised as the reasons for national failure are discussed to explain the long-term marginalisation of the BUF in the Midlands.

C’est à travers une succession de crises rapprochées : le phylloxéra, les deux Guerres mondiales, la prohibition, la crise de 1929, les grèves de 1936, que s’est constitué dans le champagne un modèle social original. Celui-ci forme le fondement sur lequel l’ensemble des professionnels ont pu bâtir ensuite, dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, leur prospérité. La Maison Veuve Clicquot de 1908 à 1964 représente une bonne illustration de ce phénomène. Au cours de cette période, elle met en place un large système de protection sociale pour ses ouvriers. Cette politique s’inscrit alors dans une stratégie de gestion de la main-d’œuvre visant à stabiliser une aristocratie ouvrière au sein de laquelle la culture du métier constitue un élément central. Cette politique sociale sait évoluer et s’adapter à la fois aux changements de la société et de la production. Ainsi, lorsque la mécanisation, mais aussi l’émancipation des travailleurs remettent en cause ce modèle établi, les dirigeants abandonnent le paternalisme pour se tourner vers des relations plus paritaires grâce à l’institution d’un système d’intéressement.Parallèlement à cette politique interne, les négociants développent des politiques sociales vers l’extérieur, au bénéfice de leurs fournisseurs. Il s’agit de fidéliser les vignerons livreurs en leur garantissant une stabilité économique en dépit des aléas importants sur la période des expéditions de champagne. On observe dans ce domaine la même évolution des relations du paternalisme vers une nouvelle forme de paritarisme que manifeste la constitution d’institutions interprofessionnelles de type corporatif. Dans leur genèse, la Maison Clicquot joue un rôle déterminant. / It is throughout a great number of consecutive crises : the phylloxera, the two World Wars, Prohibition, the 1929 crisis, the 1936 strikes, that champagne built its original social model. This social model is the foundation on which the professionals were able to develop their business during the second part of the twentieth century. From 1908 to 196, Veuve Clicquot is a good illustration of this phenomenon. During this period, the firm created a social protection for its workers. This policy was part of a management plan which tried to maintain the stability of workers elite for whom the trade culture was a central aspect. This social policy was able to follow society and production shifts. For instance, when mechanization and workers emancipation appeared, throwing the model back into question, the executive gave away paternalism to introduce new joint relationships (between labor and management) thanks to the institution of a profit-sharing system.At the same time, the champagne houses developed external social policies that were beneficial for their suppliers, the wine growers. The stakes of these social policies were to secure their loyalty and to warrant them an economic stability despite the great variations of the market during the period of champagne sales. The same evolution from paternalism to a new kind of classless relationships, that can be observed in this field of activity, is demonstrated with the constitution of corporate interprofessional institutions. Veuve Clicquot played a decisive part in this setup.

The aim of this thesis is to study the role and the influence of the Swedish local government association, SALAR, which is an interest group representing all of the Swedish local authorities and regions. As a result of a change in exercising public power from government to multi-level governance that has reinforced subnational level, including local authorities and regions, SALAR is today a significant actor. It has an intermediating role in the relation between the government and local and regional authorities. SALAR is a hybrid organization that has interest group and governmental characteristics. It is a player competing with other interest groups in a pluralistic system but it is also a corporatist negotiation partner of the government that has a privileged access to central government decision-making. This study uses a comparative case study method analyzing two policy processes to study and describe what kind of role and influence SALAR has in these processes and how the role and the influence of SALAR can be understood from an interest group perspective and a multi-level governance perspective. The described and analyzed policy processes are Kömiljarden, an effectivity effort in Swedish public health care system, and the introduction of the teacher license system in Swedish schools. The empirical material used in this thesis consists of official publications published by public authorities, the parliament and the government as well as interviews with officials representing public authorities, the government and SALAR. The results presented in this thesis show that SALAR in line with previous research on local government associations in other countries, has a role as an intermediator with a privileged access to central government and central decision-making. It is a partner that central government negotiates with and which has the task of informing about the local and regional circumstances. Its influence can also be analyzed in connection to these negotiations. SALAR is in many ways stuck in the structure of decision-making, which is operated by central government while still being in competition with interest groups, such as the teacher unions.

This PhD thesis tracks the history of the Italian unemployment welfare during the second half of the twentieth century, offering an account of why the Italian system of social security never established a universal safety net against unemployment, choosing instead a social policy system targeted on the core industrial workforce. During the post-war period, Italian unemployment insurance remained severely lacking compared to other European countries. To compensate, the country relied on the Cassa Integrazione Guadagni (CIG), a short time work scheme providing a wage replacement allowance to compensate employees in the industrial sector for a temporary reduction of their working time. Starting from the late 1960s, the scope and duration of the CIG were progressively expanded to tackle manpower redundancies, catering for the weakness of other forms of support. During the 1970s and the 1980s, short time emerged as the chief instrument to cushion the economic and social consequences of the industrial crisis of the country. This thesis explains the peculiar characteristics of the Italian unemployment welfare model as a consequence of the country's pattern of labour conflict, showing how industrial relations and social policy influenced one another. In the early postwar decades, while the unions were organisationally weak, the CIG emerged as a less expensive alternative to general unemployment insurance. This engendered a path dependent effect. Following the rise of industrial unrest and the strengthening of organised labour in the early 1970s, unions and employers favoured the increasing use of the CIG so as to protect their respective interests for job security and manpower flexibility, at the expense of the weaker strata of the labour market. Far from being a simple instrument of income maintenance, the CIG played a key role in shaping social relations of production at the work-place level and was used to diffuse industrial conflict on the shop floor. With the onset of deindustrialisation, during the 1980s, the CIG became a powerful tool for the demobilisation of organised labour.

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After the 1978 economic reform in China, the society is slowly detaching from the control of state. The civil society in China is also growing, the grassroots (local) NGOs increase fast. Along with the globalization, China is unable to avoid the INGOs activities inside the country. This study is going to discuss what¡¦s the effect and function(change)that INGOs would bring to China. For these years, be a part in global society is the most important work for China. That¡¦s why this study takes global civil society as background, and firstly research how INGOs interact and cooperate with the local NGOs in China. Second, observe the interaction mode between these two type NGOs through the framework of advocacy networks. Finally, we would understand the NGOs¡¦ development in China by Corporatism, and we could prove that the local NGOs¡¦ activities are affected by the global civil society and advocacy networks. We could clearly understand what is the effect of INGOs bring to China through these three structures. And what is China¡¦s attitude toward the INGOs. Besides the discussion on theories, this study also uses the statistical analysis to analyze 246 INGOs which have actual work in China. We will discuss their activity project, area, organizational funding, and the related legal regulation. After analyzed these 4 factors, we could find out what¡¦s the role China is playing in those INGOs activities. In the end, from the analysis of state, local NGOs and INGOs interactions in China, this study also discovers that INGOs in different areas would implement different activity project, and the outcome would also be different.

The main frame of this research is ¡§Economic Modernization¡¨ categorized modernization theory, and the objective of this research is TVEs to analyze the characteristics of Mainland China¡¦s economic modernization. TVEs is a kind of special enterprise style of China. TVEs integrate rural resources, collective ownership, and modern business management into the main power of the development of rural economy. Moreover, also the particularities of TVEs¡¦ system are the emphasis of this research. The members of TVEs which are villagers, local government officers, managers, and party cadres form a kind of special mutual-dependence relationship between rural communities, CPC (Communist Party of China), and governments. Finally, the extending question is economic modernization transiting to political modernization, also China with the different development from western nations.

Based on the theory of local state corporatism, the state-centered approach, which emphasizes the importance of state autonomy, was applied to explore the evolvement of rural industry. From the viewpoint of the relationship between state and society, the author explained why the local government and farmers were able to promote the development of Township Village Enterprises (TVEs) and rural economy in 1970s¡¦. Basically, the evolvement of rural industry in China was derived from the thinking of state industrialization and modernization. It has changed three times since the establishment of People¡¦s Republic of China. During the periods of Mao and Deng, though each change was due to the different situations or strategies, the fundamental philosophy were the same. The central government ¡¦s policy, the reform of rural economy, and the effective decision and control of local government were the major factors for the development of TVEs and the change of property system in 1980s¡¦. In short, local state corporatism was a makeshift device for the local government to control and divide resources with administrative powers to pursue desired political, economic and societal goals. It formed a system in which the cadres of the Communist Party, the officials of government, businessmen and farmers were united to achieve these goals. Under the autarchy of Chinese Communist Party, this kind of political-oriented economy reform in rural areas changed dramatically the interrelationship between state agents and social organizations and rebuilt a new model for such interactions. These experiences would have a great deal of implications for the underdevelopment countries of the third world.