nÃo hà / O trabalho tem o objetivo geral de examinar a introduÃÃo das polÃticas de gestÃo democrÃtica e participativa no campo da educaÃÃo pÃblica brasileira, no marco da âreformaâ gerencial do Estado Brasileiro, com Ãnfase na experiÃncia do estado do Cearà entre os anos de 1995 e 2006, tendo em vista a articulaÃÃo de tais diretrizes com as linhas emanadas das instituiÃÃes multilaterais. Nesse sentido, o estudo enfoca as ideologias que informam o referido processo, o Corporativismo e o PrincÃpio da Subsidiariedade, examinando sua reapariÃÃo na teoria polÃtica subjacente à âreformaâ do Estado. Trata-se de uma pesquisa documental e bibliogrÃfica fundada no horizonte teÃrico-metodolÃgico do materialismo histÃrico e dialÃtico. A pesquisa resultou em aproximaÃÃes conclusivas que revelam que: a âreformaâ gerencial do Estado brasileiro, responsiva à crise do capital, fundada em bases participativas, prefigura um regime polÃtico integralista, avesso à independÃncia polÃtica das organizaÃÃes de classe; no atual contexto, a gerÃncia descentralizada e participativa visa a capturar, no Ãmbito do aparato estatal, as representaÃÃes classistas (corporativismo) no Ãmbito de uma governanÃa na qual a suposta autonomia na base se destina a gerenciar o plano geral estratÃgico do Estado (PrincÃpio da Subsidiariedade); a gestÃo participativa surge como condiÃÃo sine qua non da publicizaÃÃo, isto Ã, da transferÃncia dos serviÃos pÃblicos para a esfera da sociedade civil, esfera do mercado; o exame da introduÃÃo da gestÃo participativa na rede pÃblica cearense mostrou a articulaÃÃo entre a introduÃÃo dos novos mÃtodos gestionÃrios e as necessidades postas pelo ajustamento fiscal do estado e que o processo nÃo se completou, seja pela resistÃncia de professores e estudantes, seja pela inaÃÃo dos governos, seja pela pouca atraÃÃo exercida sobre o setor privado, embora os modelos de gestÃo participativa e democrÃtica sigam sendo a forma privilegiada de introduÃÃo da âreformaâ gerencial do Estado. / The overall study aims to examine the introduction of policies to democratic and participatory management in the public education in Brazil, in the limits of the Brazilian State management "reform", with emphasis on the Cearà state experience between 1995 and 2006, considering its articulation within the guidelines issued by the multilateral agencies. In this sense, the study focuses on the ideologies that inform the above process, Corporatism and the Principle of Subsidiarity, examining his reappearance in the political theory underlying the "reform" of the State. It is a documental and bibliographical research based on theoretical and methodological horizon of historical and dialectical materialism. The research resulted in approaches that reveal: management "reform" of the Brazilian State, responsive to the crisis of capital, founded in participatory bases, prefigures a integralist political regime, averse to the political independence of the working class organizations; in the current context, decentralized and participatory management aims to capture, in the State apparatus, the classist representations (corporatism) in the context of governance in which an alleged autonomy in the base is designed to manage the overall strategic plan of the State (principle of subsidiarity); management participatory appears as a sine qua non of accaountability, in other words, the transfer of public services to the sphere of civil society, the sphere of the market; the study of the introduction of participatory management in the Cearà public education web showed the link between the new managerial methods and imperatives posed by the State tax adjustment; the process is not completed, because, in a hand, of the resistance of teachers and students and, in onother, by inaction of governments, or by little attraction exerted on the private sector, although the models of participatory and democratic management continue being the preferred way of introducing of the State managerial "reform".

Le christianisme traverse aujourd’hui des moments de tumulte. Il peut être attaqué mais il est surtout de plus en plus ignoré. Nous avons oublié que la religion qu’il est a engendré une sagesse, sagesse qu’il faut en retour connaître et vivre pour être à même de le servir pour ce qu’il est. Cette sagesse est le fruit de la rencontre de la foi en Jésus-Christ et de la raison grecque qui donne à notre humanité de rentrer dans l’intelligence de la Révélation. Cependant, le Christianisme demeure Mystère qui appelle et prévient, qui invite et laisse à distance. En acceptant la transcendance de Dieu et donc en creux notre finitude, la sagesse se fait ici prudence. Mais par essence, elle est folie et scandale parce que confrontée à l’Homme-Dieu crucifié pour le salut des hommes égarés par le péché. Tant qu’elle ne fait pas son lit dans ce scandale pour engager la véritable conversion, la sagesse en quête de Dieu est manquée. Il s’agit alors de vivre par cette sagesse, d’une vie qui est d’abord rapport de soi à Dieu, et c’est l’authenticité de ce rapport qui est à conquérir. La relation de soi aux autres vient ensuite, et parce qu’elle est nourrie du service rendu à Dieu, elle peut témoigner de son effectivité si elle se prête avec charité au souci du prochain et de manière plus générale du bien commun. Aujourd’hui, la sagesse est confrontée au modernisme qui ignore le principe qu’est Dieu et donc remet en cause la possibilité même de l’humaine sociabilité. Parce que la sagesse est présence à la vie, et à la Vie de Dieu, il faut au chrétien non pas éluder mais prendre en compte cette insociabilité croissante qu’il finit par ressentir comme intenable. Ré-accorder la sagesse à la vie demande donc d’abord de se préserver soi-même et pour cela de rompre avec la vie du monde, ce monde dont le Christ disait dès l’origine qu’il n’était pas venu y apporter la paix, mais le glaive. / Christianity is undergoing a troubled period. It may be attacked, but most of all, it is more and more ignored. We have forgotten that, as a religion, it has given birth to wisdom. A wisdom one has in return to know and experience in order to serve what it is. This wisdom results from the meeting with Jesus-Christ faith and the Greek reason, which allows our humanity to enter the intelligence of Revelation. However Christianity remains Mystery which calls and warns, invites and keeps us at distance. Through accepting God’s transcendence and hence our finitude, wisdom becomes prudence here. But by essence, it is madness and scandal when confronted to Man-God crucified for the salvation of men, misled because the sin. Wisdom while searching for God is unwise when avoiding this scandal to reach true conversion. One has thus to live by this wisdom, first as a relationship of one with God, and the truth of this relationship has to be deepened. One’s relation to others comes as a consequence, and because it bears God’s service, it can witness its effectiveness if used charitably for one’s neighbour, and more specifically for general interest. Today, wisdom is confronted to modernism, which ignores God as a principle, and questions the very possibility of human sociability. As wisdom is present to life, and to God’s life, a Christian must not avoid but take into account this growing incivility, which becomes intolerable. To link wisdom to life means first to protect one’s self, hence to break off with this world’s life, faithful to Christ, who said from the beginning that he came on Earth not to bring peace, but sword.

Disability classification systems belong to the core of states’ social/disability policies through which persons with disabilities are classified as eligible or ineligible for having access to disability allowances. The study of disability classification systems has stimulated the interest of several scholars from the broader area of disability studies. Either by conducting comparative studies between different states and describing the similarities and differences of these systems around the world or by conducting studies focusing on the politics and semantics in the development of disability classification systems in specific states, all studies have shown a pluralism in the systems for assessing and certifying disability. In Greece, the development of disability classification systems for social welfare reasons emerged as a controversy that lasted for almost twenty years. One factor that strengthened the controversy was the outbreak of the economic crisis late in 2009 followed by the announcement by the governmental authorities of the enactment of a new system for assessing and certifying disability as part of the austeritydriven policies that the Greek state would enact for facing the consequences of the economic crisis. Drawing on an interdisciplinary approach, the overall aim of this study is to describe and analyze the enactment of disability classification systems in the context of Greek social policy from 1990 to 2015. For the collection of empirical material, a qualitative research method was employed, consisting of interviews, written material, and newspaper articles. The main findings of this thesis are: I) the involvement of the political parties in the development of the systems for certifying and assessing disability; II) the involvement of the disability movement in policymaking; III) the “creative” use of statistics by governmental authorities for the enactment of disability/social policies; IV) how the concept of “disability fraud” has been constructed as a “threat” to the society; and V) the vulnerability of disability classification systems in times of austerity.

With increasing inequality in the world, having knowledge about the apparatuses maintaining unequal social structures is important. Utopian and dystopian science fiction films are a good source for analysis of social structures, due to their inherent interest in social critique and the role of semiotics in the spreading of ideology. This essay examines how ideology is presented and represented in the science fiction films Metropolis and Snowpiercer. Within a Marxist theoretical framework, the essay analyses the presence and actions of ideological state apparatuses in the films, with a secondary focus on how the ideology on display is presented to the viewer. The analysis of the films shows that several different ideological state apparatuses, such as school and politics, are represented in the films. The apparatuses are also shown to use a variety of pedagogic actions for teaching the dominant ideology of the respective film’s ruling class to the citizens of the films, such as lecturing, singing and communicating through clothing and architecture. The analysis also shows that while two different political ideologies are represented in the films, corporatism in Metropolis and neoliberalism in Snowpiercer, both ideologies serve the same purpose of maintaining the capitalist order of the films’ societies: the division of labour. The essay argues that the findings of the analysis motivate a Marxist approach to teaching, in order to actively work against inequality and provide all students with a well-rounded education, no matter what social class they belong to.

Diploma thesis 'Weakening of neo-corporatism in Sweden after 1990' covers historical preconditions for emergence of swedish neo-corporatism, its development in the 20th century and its weakening after 1990. Neo-corporatism's heyday is dated back to the 1950s and the 1960s and is characterized by deep institutionalized participation of organised interests in the public policy-making and a tripartite interaction of the three main parties - the state, the Swedish employers' federation SAF and the Swedish union confederation LO. Changes that have occured since 1970s and their implications on swedish policy-making after 1990 are analyzed further on. A lot of attention is paid to particular ways of organized interests' institutionalized participation in the public policy-making. Wider socio-political context of the thesis covers the transition of Swedish model since 1970s and its implications on swedish democracy. The core hypothesis of this paper is that neo-corporatism in Sweden has not disappeared, according to some authors, but weakened considerably and changed.

No description available.

Including civil society organizations in the policy process is a distinctive trait of democratic governance. But, while being highly valuable from a democratic point of view, not all civil society organizations are represented in the policy process. This dissertation draws attention to the role of the government in shaping the representation of civil society organizations in the Swedish government consultation referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The overall aim is to increase empirical and theoretical understanding of civil society organizations’ access to the national Swedish policy process. Drawing on various empirical data sources, it analyzes how access has changed during the second half of the 20th century, the factors influencing access, and the significance of the access provided by the government. The results are based on four empirical studies, and show that the government has encouraged an increasing number and more diverse types of civil society organizations to be represented in the remiss procedure. In addition, organizations with plenty of resources, such as labor and business organizations, are not overrepresented. However, access is slightly skewed in favor of civil society organizations with an insider position within other access points at national government level, which is consistent with a privileged pluralistic pattern of interest representation. In addition, civil society organizations seem to be invited into an arena for political influence of less relevance. Theoretically, the dissertation moves beyond the neo-corporatist perspective that dominated Swedish research during the second half of the 20th century by drawing attention to five different theoretical lenses: pluralism, neo-corporatism, political opportunity structures, policy network theory, and resource exchange theory. It concludes that a variety of theories are needed for access to be understood.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:50:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edy Lamar Waldemar da Silva Achcar.pdf: 4905000 bytes, checksum: 17b1041b0ec95395efac38581c1bd537 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-03-13 / With the accelerated process of globalization, the last decades have been watched with intense urbanization, where the cities reaffirm its job as spaces that came gradually adapting to the changes. At this last advanced phase of capitalism, we have seen that beyond the race of production and consumption is declared the dispute between cities to become attracting spaces of this transnational and volatile capital. Thus, the necessity to think and strategically intervene at cities to create competitive environments starting from great entrepreneurship susceptive to great businesses and great economic transactions, with this generating corporative processes at spatial city organization. The strategic plan, tool, utilized in the business management, began to be an element that heads the actions of management of urban space guided by the principles of marketing. As a result, the city of Goiania begins to express the Social- Spatial transformations, present at conformation of a new territorial, ordainment, cited at urban corporatism, in the real state speculation and in the intense private investment, taking the city to equip the so called city marketing. Before this, the analysis of the evolution of Social Well-Being government and even the neoliberal government and the new forms to conceive the urban, incorporating the principles of strategic management, it became possible to elaborate the theoretically base and empiric of our job. / Com o acelerado processo de globalização da economia, as últimas décadas têm assistido a intensa urbanização, onde as cidades reafirmam seu papel como espaços que vem paulatinamente se adaptando as mudanças. Nesta última fase avançada do capitalismo, vimos que além da corrida pela produção e consumo, está declarada a disputa entre cidades, para tornarem-se espaços atraentes, para esse capital transnacional e volátil. Daí a necessidade de pensar e intervir estrategicamente nas cidades, para criar ambientes competitivos a partir dos grandes empreendimentos susceptíveis aos grandes negócios, às grandes transações econômicas e com isso gerar processos corporativos na organização espacial da cidade. O Planejamento Estratégico, ferramenta utilizada na gestão empresarial, passou a ser o elemento norteador das ações de agenciamento do espaço urbano, regido pelos princípios mercadológicos. A partir daí a cidade de Goiânia, passa a expressar as transformações sócio-espaciais presentes na conformação de um novo ordenamento territorial, pautado no corporativismo urbano, na especulação imobiliária e no intenso empreendedorismo privado, levando a cidade a se equiparar às chamadas city marketing. Diante disso, a análise da evolução dos governos do Bem-Estar Social até os governos neoliberais e as novas formas de se conceber o urbano, incorporando os princípios de gestão estratégica, tornou possível elaborar a base teórica e empírica de nosso trabalho.

由於台灣地區地形陡峻，雨水蓄積並不容易，再加上近來全球氣候變遷，致使台灣地區降雨型態轉變，豐枯季節降雨不均，枯水期河水短缺，豐水期則任由洪流入海，上述因素使得南部地區民眾長期以來深為用水問題所苦。 為了解決用水問題，技術官僚咸認為開發水庫為當今謀求水源之不二法門，因此計劃於美濃地區興建水庫，以滿足南部地區用水需求。其認為興建美濃水庫一方面不僅可解決長期以來南部地區民眾無水可用之苦，另一方面則藉由供應工業園區用水，進而建設台灣成為科技島，可謂立意良善。然而此立意良善之政策，卻屢遭美濃當地居民抗爭，延宕至今仍無法動工。究竟在美濃水庫興建決策的研擬過程，出現了什縻問題？其造成爭議的論點何在？而相關政策參與者間又如何互動？以上種種問題則引發筆者對於美濃水庫興建之政策網絡型態研究的動機。 對於美濃水庫興建政策之研究，首先要思考的，即是採取何種研究之途徑，較有助於分析不同參與者之間的互動關係及其對政策結果的影響？筆者檢閱相關文獻後發現，傳統論述國家與社會互動關係之途徑大致可分為社會中心論與國家中心論，而社會中心論又以多元主義為核心，國家中心論則以統合主義為核心。然隨著國家事務之日益繁雜與多樣化，政策問題似已無法藉由傳統多元主義或統合主義之單一模式來獲得有效的解決。相對地，強調不同行動者之間為遂行其目的，透過具策略性與複雜性的互賴互動過程而作成公共政策之政策網絡概念應聲而起，儼然成為多元主義與統合主義之外，研究國家與社會在決策過程中互動關係之另一途徑。因此，筆者在從事我國美濃水庫興建政策之研究時，則試圖以新興之政策網絡概念取代傳統論述，從不同角度觀點來進行分析。 在章節安排上，本論文共分五章，茲將其內容簡述如下： 第一章：緒論 說明本文研究的動機、目的、問題、方法及限制。 第二章：政策網絡之文獻探討 主要係探討政策網絡概念之緣起、理論基礎、意涵與類型，以明政策網絡概念之輪廓。並對政策網絡相關之實務應用文獻作一檢視與批判，以建構出適於美濃水庫興建政策研究之分析架構。 第三章：美濃水庫興建政策網絡之系絡分析 主要係介紹美濃水庫興建政策網絡產生之歷史背景以及政治、經濟、社會與其他相關環境因素對該政策網絡之影響。同時從政治資源、利益需求與價值規範等面向來探討相關參與者之意識型態與信念系統，以瞭解其涉入決策的理由及所持立場之論據，進而分析該政策之爭議所在。 第四章：美濃水庫興建政策網絡之互動分析 主要係將美濃水庫興建政策發展過程劃分為政策潛伏期、政策發展期、政策合法化時期及政策後續發展期等四期，逐一探討政策網絡中相關參與者之間的互動情形，以瞭解美濃水庫興建政策網絡之互動模式。 第五章：結論 最後總結全文，分別說政策網絡概念與美濃水庫興建政策提出個人若干研究發現、建議及未來研究展望。

觀察台灣近代的發展過程，學者主要將焦點放在國家（State） 對經濟場 域的干預或控制，尤其多著重國家在經濟發展過程的策略操導，至於維繫 生產活動的兩大族群：資本家和勞工，則明顯地沒有在「經濟發展」議題 上被同時納入來進行討論；換言之，在發展過程中‘國家與資本家’及‘ 國家與勞工’的關係為何？國家透過何種方式來掌握資本家和勞工？國家 對‘個別資本家’和‘資本家聯盟’的態度是否一致？這些問題當在解讀 台灣的經濟發展經驗時，顯然地並沒有被同時放在分析網絡中進行思考， 因此本文在解釋台灣的經濟發展經驗時，除了探討國家的角色扮演外，還 嘗試分析國家與資本家、國家與勞工的關係，期能週延地解讀台灣經濟的 「發展經驗」。本論文以國家統合主義檢視台灣的經濟發展，藉由‘攏絡 性統合主義’和‘排斥性統合主義’兩組概念可發現，國家在追求經濟成 長的前提下，和資本家維持著‘利益的合夥關係’：此不僅體現在生產過 程中國家以財政和金融政策來施惠於資本家，國家更配合資本家來提供生 產要素（土地、資本）以利生產活動的持續進行，而在特定時空下國家亦 扮演生產者（如委託商、上游獨占廠商）的角色，和資本家構築彼此合作 的生產型態。對國家而言，施惠於資本家的目的在求國內的經濟成長。另 一方面，國家對勞工階級的排斥則體現在其長期未調整勞工的基本工資基 數，藉以避免因工資上揚而抵消了資本家的投資意願，影響經濟成長；而 工資基數的長期凍結，除了使資本家能盡量壓低勞動所得外，亦使勞工所 得遠落後物價波動，導致勞工消費能力薄弱和偏低的生活水準；此外，國 家還透過法令編織強力禁制罷工活動，在此情況下造成勞工無法藉集體行 動來改善勞動條件。 儘管如此，國家與資本家的合作關係，似乎僅止 於在生產活動的個別授受，本文從「意識型態」、「組織設計」、及「組 織控制」等三個面向可發現，國家不管是對資本家聯盟抑或勞工聯盟，事 實上都有著強烈的干預現象－－即國家企圖將二者‘轉化’為整合及動員 機制。由於聯盟本質上蘊含龐大的動員力量，基於對聯盟的疑懼和防堵， 國家並不允許有組織的聯盟擁有真正的實力，進而藉此實力來挑戰或分享 國家在政╱經資源的分配權。於是種種干預措施使得聯盟力量被真正地化 整為零，無法壯大來抗衡國家。此不僅反應在資本家聯盟身上，在勞工聯 盟方面，亦同樣可見；在國家的強控制下，資本家聯盟和勞工聯盟僅具有 象徵意義而已。