The thesis subject is based on a report published by Amnesty International with the title ”Dangerously Disproportionate: The ever expanding security state in Europe”. The report accuses EU states of an ongoing securitization due to terrorism and the migration crises that has led to the discrimination of especially Muslims and foreign nationals. With the report as starting point this paper aims to investigate how inclusion and exclusion is made in the security discourse of the Swedish government and parliament between 2015 and 2017. The time frame is chosen based on Amnesty’s assessment of a shift in paradigm with starting point after the terror attacks in Paris 2015. As theory and method this paper makes use of Laclau & Mouffe´s discourse theory to perform a discourse analyses. Previous research of scientists and theorists is used to operationalize both inclusion and exclusion. The results of the study show that inclusion and exclusion in the discourse is made by talking about the migration crises, unaccompanied refugee children, antisemitism, terrorists, and those who need protection; us. One of the most prominent conclusions related to the analysis is that the figure of the migrant is excluded by means of framing it as a security problem leading to the possible system collapse of prominent welfare and social functions in society. / Uppsatsens ämnesval bygger på Amnesty Internationals rapport med titeln ” Dangerously Disproportionate: The ever expanding security state in Europe” som anklagar de europeiska länderna för en säkerhetiseringsprocess på grund av terrorism och migrationskrisen, vilket huvudsakligen drabbar migranter och människor av muslimsk tro. Med rapporten som utgångspunkt valdes en undersökning av inkludering och exkludering i den svenska regeringens och riksdagens säkerhetsdiskurs med målet att söka efter hur inkludering och exkludering ”görs” i relation till migrations- och terrorkrisen mellan åren 2015 och 2017. Tidsramen valdes på grund av att Amnesty Internationals rapport pekade ut ett paradigmskifte efter terrordådet i Paris 2015. Som teori och analysmetod används Laclau & Mouffes diskursteori som bygger på premissen att verkligheten är socialt konstruerad. Som operationaliseringar av begreppen inkludering och exkludering användes tidigare forskning. Resultatet av undersökningen visade att inkludering och exkludering görs i diskursen när det talas om migrationskrisen, ensamkommande, antisemitism, terrorister och den gruppen som ska skyddas. En av de mest tydliga slutsatser som dras från analysen är att migranten framställs som ett säkerhetsproblem som är ansvarigt för den hotande systemkollapsen av välfärden och viktiga samhällsfunktioner i Sverige, samt att det är en tydlig förändring i förhållande till en tidigare mer generös och inkluderande hållning mot migranten.

Les années 1348-1385 sont marquées à Marseille par une situation prolongée de crise multiforme, qui prend le caractère politique de déstabilisation durable du pouvoir souverain angevin. Dans ce contexte s'affirme l'autorité de l'assemblée municipale comme le lieu du gouvernement de la ville. Alors que les officiers royaux sont contraints de s'effacer, le conseil de ville s'approprie une part grandissante de gouvernement autonome, et consolide le statut marseillais d'exception par rapport au reste de la Provence. Pour y parvenir, le conseil s'appuie sur les rituels et pratiques de l'assemblée, de délibération, de serment et de désignation d'individus chargés de mettre en œuvre les ordonnances adoptées. Un grand nombre d'habitants participent à l'activité de l'assemblée, à des degrés et selon des modalités bien distinctes, définies par un petit groupe de dirigeants du conseil. Ces derniers appartiennent aux élites de la fortune et de la puissance, auxquelles sont adjoints notaires et praticiens du droit. La progression de la légitimité du gouvernement communal est en outre assurée par sa capacité à manier les outils scripturaires, depuis les Statuts de la ville jusqu'aux écrits de l'administration quotidienne, dont la circulation définit un régime de normativité spécifique. L'enregistrement des séances, bien que concis, s'avère l'outil décisif de cette construction de l'autorité par l'écrit. Autour des registres délibératifs gravitent les multiples pièces administratives et juridiques qui assurent l'institutionnalisation du gouvernement de la ville. / In Marseilles, the years 1348 - 1385 are marked by a prolonged multifaceted crisis which takes on the form of sustained political destabilization of the Angevine sovereign power. It is in this context that the authority of the municipal assembly as local government is asserted. At the same time as the royal officers are being forced to withdraw, the city council assumes an ever larger role as an autonomous government, and consolidates the exceptional status of Marseilles relative to the rest of Provence. To carry out its role, the council relies on the rituals and practices of assembling, deliberating, taking oaths, and designating individuals in charge of implementing adopted ordinances. A large group of inhabitants participate in the council's activities in clearly defined degrees and manners determined by a small group of council leaders. The latter belong to an elite of fortune and power as well as notaries and lawmakers. The strengthening of the legitimacy of municipal government is furthermore assured by its ability to compose written documents, from city statutes to daily administration, the circulation of which defines its own system of norms. The recording of sessions, although concise, proved to be a decisive tool in establishing the authority. In addition to recordings of deliberations, multiple administrative and judicial documents participate in insuring the institutionalisation of city government.

De nos jours, le sarrasin ou « blé noir », est toujours associé aux fameuses galettes bretonnes, cependant, son histoire demeure méconnue. Introduit comme culture vivrière dans l’ouest de la France (Bretagne et Normandie occidentale) au cours des XVe et XVIe siècles, le sarrasin y devient la principale culture et denrée alimentaire à partir du XVIIe siècle. Cette étude s’intéresse au rôle du sarrasin dans les différents pans des sociétés de l’Ouest du XVIe au XXe siècle, autour de quatre grandes parties : l’introduction et la diffusion du sarrasin en Europe, sa place dans les systèmes agraires du Massif armoricain, son incidence dans l’alimentation des populations de cette région, et son utilisation dans l’atténuation des crises de subsistances. Au fil des chapitres, les pratiques bretonnes et normandes font l’objet d’une comparaison, afin d’identifier les éléments constitutifs d’une identité commune aux populations de l’Ouest et ceux qui relèvent de particularismes territoriaux. Cette approche comparative est reproduite au sein même de ces deux espaces, pour appréhender leurs spécificités locales. / Today, buckwheat is unavoidably associated with the famous Breton galettes (buckwheat pancakes), yet we know little of its history. Introduced as a subsistence crop in western France (Brittany and west Normandy) during the 15th and 16th centuries, buckwheat became the predominant crop and foodstuff in the region from the 17th century. This study examines the role of buckwheat in various aspects of societies in western France from the 16th century to the 20th century, via four main sections: the introduction and spread of buckwheat in Europe, its place in the agrarian systems of the Armorican Massif, its impact on the diets of populations in this region and its use in relieving subsistence crises. The chapters compare practices in Brittany and Normandy, to identify elements of a common identity among populations in western France, and elements that are specific to territories. This comparative approach is repeated within these two spaces, to identify local particularities.

Finanzkrisen sind spätestens seit den 1990'er Jahren ein sehr prominentes und interessantes Forschungsobjekt der Wirtschaftswissenschaften. Dieses Jahrzehnt war durch eine Vielzahl von Finanzkrisen gekennzeichnet, von denen nur wenige Länder vollkommen verschont blieben. Die vorliegenden Arbeit gliedert sich in drei Hauptteile: Im ersten Teil werden die unterschiedlichen Theorien zur Beschreibung von Finanzkrisen kategorisiert und jeweils verschiedene bedeutende Arbeiten vorgestellt. Im zweiten Teil der Arbeit werden Gründe für das Auftreten von Herdenverhalten auf Finanzmärkten und dessen Auswirkungen untersucht. Dabei wird zunächst der Stand der Forschung dargestellt. Eine wichtige Voraussetzung für das effiziente Funktionieren von Märkten ist, daß die Marktteilnehmer vollkommene Informationen besitzen. Dies ist in der Realität aber zumeist nicht gegeben. Das in Teil zwei entwickelte Modell basiert auf darauf, daß Informationen unvollkommen sind und asymmetrisch verteilt. Es ist in der Lage die Entwicklung von Herdenverhalten dynamisch zu erklären. Wie dieses Modell zeigt, kann Herdenverhalten zum einen zu stark abweichenden Asset-Preisen führen, welche dabei, gleich einer Blase, stark ansteigen können, um dann wieder ebenso stark zurückzugehen bzw. zu platzen. Zum anderen kann sich ein Herdenverhalten unter internationalen Anlegern auf die Wechselkurse auswirken oder sogar zu einem Zusammenbruch eines fixen Wechselkurses führen. Insbesondere in den 1990'er Jahren konnte man immer wieder beobachten, daß Finanzkrisen nicht nur auf ein einzelnes Land beschränkt waren, sondern sich über mehrere Länder innerhalb einer Region oder auch über die ganze Welt verteilt ausbreiteten. Im dritten Teil der vorliegenden Arbeit werden derartige Ansteckungseffekte genauer untersucht. Hierzu wird zunächst ein Überblick über den Stand der Forschung gegeben. Weiter wird ein Modell entwickelt, welches eine portfoliotheoretische Erklärung für Ansteckungseffekte liefert. Der contagion-Mechanismus kann dabei kurz wie folgt beschrieben werden: Eine Krise in einem Land j führt zu Verlusten eines hoch informierten Investors aus einem Land i. Dies kann wiederum dazu führen, daß er die Investitionen in seinem Heimatmarkt reduziert und dadurch fällt dort der Preis eines Assets. Ein Investor aus einem dritten Land mit einem niedrigeren Informationsstand wird diesen Preisrückgang als schlechtes Signal für den Ertrag aus dem Asset interpretieren. Als Konsequenz zieht er ebenfalls Kapital aus diesem Asset und damit auch aus Land i ab. Der Kapitalabzug des ausländischen Investors kann nun dazu führen, daß es in Land i ebenfalls zu einer Krise kommt. Die Arbeit schließt mit einer Zusammenfassung der gewonnenen Erkenntnisse und liefert einige sich hieraus ergebende Politikempfehlungen zur Verhinderung bzw. Abschwächung von Finanzkrisen. Dabei werden insbesondere die Ursachen und Folgen von Herdenverhalten und Ansteckungseffekten berücksichtigt.

L’ascension du mouvement socialiste européen sous la direction de la Deuxième Internationale au tournant du siècle et son éclatement avec le déclenchement de la guerre de 1914 constitue un problème historique persistant. La contradiction saute aux yeux. Voilà un mouvement qui se revendiquait fermement de « l’internationalisme prolétarien », mais qui, au moment venu de le mettre en œuvre, affirma la nécessité de la « défense nationale ». Les formes concrètes de cette contradiction sont éclaircies par une étude de l’impact de la montée de l’impérialisme sur l’internationalisme des socialistes français et allemands durant la période précédant la guerre, du congrès de Londres de 1896 jusqu’à la résolution de la crise d’Agadir en 1912. La Deuxième Internationale est un mouvement dont les formes organisationnelles et pratiques sont ancrées dans un cadre national, alors que ses conceptions fondamentales sont celles de l’internationalisme. L’impérialisme renforce cette contradiction, et devient à la fois la source d’une concrétisation de l’internationalisme socialiste en théorie, et de son abandon en pratique. Privilégiant l’analyse de l’internationalisme comme un phénomène politique plutôt que culturel ou sentimental, ce travail démontre l’existence d’un gouffre entre le discours théorique et la pratique du mouvement. La montée de l’impérialisme est accompagnée de la montée du réformisme au sein du mouvement socialiste, qui, avec d’autres phénomènes, renforce ses tendances nationales. Les tendances nationales du mouvement persistent lors de moments clés, notamment les crises impérialistes de Tanger (1905) et d’Agadir (1911), au point de remettre en question les fondements internationalistes du mouvement. / The rise of the European socialist movement under the leadership of the Second International at the turn of the century and its breakup with the outbreak of the 1914 war is a persistent historical problem. The contradiction is obvious. Here was a movement that firmly proclaimed "proletarian internationalism", but which, when the time came to implement it, affirmed the necessity of "national defense". The concrete forms of this contradiction are illuminated by a study of the impact of the rise of imperialism on the internationalism of French and German socialists in the period leading up to the war, from the London Congress of 1896 to the resolution of the Agadir crisis in 1912. The Second International is a movement whose organizational and practical forms are rooted in a national framework, while its fundamental conceptions are those of internationalism. Imperialism reinforces this contradiction, and becomes at the same time the source of a concretization of socialist internationalism in theory, and of its abandonment in practice. Emphasizing the analysis of internationalism as a political rather than a cultural or sentimental phenomenon, this work demonstrates the existence of a chasm between the theoretical discourse and the practice of the movement. The rise of imperialism is accompanied by the rise of reformism within the socialist movement, which, along with other phenomena, reinforces its national tendencies. The national tendencies of the movement persisted at key moments, notably the imperialist crises of Tangier (1905) and Agadir (1911), to the point of calling into question the internationalist foundations of the movement.

This dissertation studies nuclear crisis behavior. Specifically, it theorizes behavior between middle powers with nuclear weapons that are nested within a world with larger hegemonic states. The situation represents a paradigm shift from the bipolar context of the Cold War where all nuclear crises involved one or both superpowers, thereby implying an absence of stronger third parties that could fundamentally alter their crisis behavior. We have focused on the India-Pakistan rivalry, and specifically on their three nuclear crises since South Asia's overt nuclearization: the 1999 Kargil crisis; the 2001-02 standoff; and the 2008 Mumbai crisis. These three case studies form the universe of crises between two middle power nuclear states with stronger third parties present to influence their behavior. Using the structured focused comparison method and relying on existing empirical analyses of these crises, interviews with relevant officials and experts, and newspaper archival research, we have process-traced the key developments in each crisis to identify the processes and mechanisms underpinning behavior. The dissertation argues that middle power nuclear crises ought to be seen as trilateral engagements that accord a key crisis management role to stronger third parties. Crisis behavior can be best understood through "brokered bargaining" - defined as a three-cornered bargaining exercise between the two principal antagonists and a third party which is primarily seeking crisis de-escalation. Brokered bargaining theory predicts that this three-cornered engagement will play out in the expected manner each time a middle power nuclear crisis occurs as long as the outside actors do not intervene as competitor third parties. We reject theories that posit the dynamics of bilateral nuclear deterrence as the principal drivers of de-escalation, and equally, analyses that see third parties as standalone explanations for peaceful outcomes. We contend that it is the process of trilateral interaction encompassed by the brokered bargaining model and marked by a recursive interplay of perceptions, expectations, incentives, and strategies of the three actors that shapes crisis behavior, and in turn, trajectories and outcomes. The research is generalizable to potential nuclear rivalries in the Middle East and remains relevant to the Sino-Indian dyad and rivalries on the Korean peninsula. / 2019-05-31

Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Dysfunctional exclusion between Christians and Muslims in Northern Nigeria in general, and Gombe State in particular, is understood to be a trigger of religious crises in Northern Nigeria. History has shown that Northern Nigeria has been experiencing religious crises from 1980 to the present. The crises have grossly affected the relationship between these two religious groups, despite the fact that they all live in the same community and in some cases in the same family. The reoccurrence of religious crises has created fear and suspicion of one another between the adherents of the two religions, thus giving more ground to the practice of dysfunctional exclusion. In 1999, the Nigeria Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) and the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) formed a forum, called the Nigeria Inter-Religious Council (NIREC), for the purpose of tackling the problems of dysfunctional exclusion and religious crises between Christians and Muslims. Dialogue is one of the most relied approaches adopted by NIREC in addressing the challenges. Unfortunately the application of dialogue among the Christians and Muslims in Gombe state has not been effective as the problem of dysfunctional exclusion persist. This calls for reconsideration of the application of dialogue or to consider an alternative approach which will effectively deal with the dysfunctional exclusion among the two religious adherents in Gombe state. As a contribution to the fight against dysfunctional exclusion, I suggests a co-pathic approach. The research question is can co-pathy effectively contribute in addressing the challenge of dysfunctional exclusion within Christian/Muslim relationships? This will be answered with a focus on the outlined goals of the research following the methodology of Richard Osmer (2008) – the four tasks of practical theology. First, the descriptive-empirical task; this task answers the question what is going on? It examines the practice of dysfunctional exclusion among the Christians and Muslims. Second, the interpretive task, which answers the question why is this going on? This will discuss the concept of co-pathy, and its relevant application to the Christian/Muslim relationship. Third, the normative task; this task answers the question what ought to be going on? It explores a co-pathic theological foundation for interreligious understanding. And lastly, the pragmatic task answers the question how might we respond? This presents, in the concluding chapter, the contribution of the research to the fight against dysfunctional exclusion. The research will create an awareness of a pluralistic religious society and the need for interreligious understanding and consciousness. Co-pathy will be used as a point of convergence between Muslims and Christians and will stand at the centre of their relationships, as both religions recognise and value the virtue of co-pathy. This will motivate the life of togetherness in passion, thus paving the way for the recognition of each other‘s religion with regard, tolerating religious practices, and considering one another as members of the same community without religious segregation. The research is significant, as the issue of dysfunctional exclusion dehumanises and triggers religious crises, which have claimed many lives in the northern states of Nigeria. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Wanfunksionele uitsluiting onder Christene en Moslems in Noord-Nigerië in die algemeen, en in Gombe Staat spesifiek, gee aanleiding tot godsdienstige krisisse in Noord-Nigerië. Die geskiedenis toon dat Noord-Nigerië sedert 1980 godsdienstige krisisse ervaar. Hierdie krisisse het 'n groot effek op die verhouding tussen hierdie twee godsdienstige groepe, ten spyte daarvan dat hulle almal in dieselfde gemeenskap, en soms in dieselfde gesin, woon. Die herhaling van godsdienstige krisisse het gelei tot vrees en agterdog tussen die navolgers van die twee godsdienste, wat nog meer gronde gee vir die praktyk van wanfunksionele uitsluiting. In 1999 het die Nigeria Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) en die Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) 'n forum gevorm met die naam Nigeria Inter-Religious Council (NIREC) om probleme met betrekking tot wanfunksionele uitsluiting en godsdienstige krisisse tussen Christene en Moslems te hanteer. Dialoog is die benadering wat die meeste deur NIREC gebruik word om die uitdagings aan te spreek. Ongelukkig was die toepassing van dialoog tussen Christene en Moslems in Gombe Staat nie effektief nie, aangesien die probleem van wanfunksionele uitsluiting voortduur. Dit vereis dus 'n heroorweging van die toepassing van dialoog, of om 'n alternatiewe benadering te oorweeg wat doeltreffend met die wanfunksionele uitsluiting onder die twee godsdienstige groeperinge in Gombe Staat sal kan handel. As 'n bydrae tot die stryd teen wanfunksionele uitsluiting, stel ek 'n ko-patiese (copathic) benadering voor. My navorsingsvraag is kan ko-patie doeltreffend bydra tot die aanspreek van die uitdaging van wanfunksionele uitsluiting in Christen/Moslemverhoudings. Dit sal beantwoord word deur te fokus op die doelwitte van die navorsing volgens die metodologie van Richard Osmer (2008) – die vier take van praktiese teologie. Eerstens, die beskrywende-empiriese taak; dit antwoord die vraag, wat gaan aan? Dit ondersoek die praktyk van wanfunksionele uitsluiting onder Christene en Moslems. Tweede, die verklarende taak, wat die vraag beantwoord – hoekom gaan dit aan? Hier sal ek die konsep van ko-patie en die relevante toepassing daarvan op die Christen/Moslem-verhouding bespreek. Derdens, die normatiewe taak; hierdie taak antwoord die vraag, wat behoort aan te gaan? Dit verken 'n ko-patiese teologiese fondament vir intergodsdienstige verstandhouding. En laastens, die pragmatiese taak, wat die vraag, hoe kan ons reageer? beantwoord. In die finale hoofstuk stel ek die bydrae van hierdie navorsing voor in die stryd teen wanfunksionele uitsluiting. Hierdie navorsing sal bewussyn skep van 'n pluralistiese godsdienstige samelewing en die behoefte aan intergodsdienstige begrip en bewussyn. Ko-patie sal gebruik word as 'n punt van konvergensie tussen Moslems en Christene en sentraal in hulle verhoudings staan, aangesien beide godsdienste die deug van ko-patie erken en waarde daaraan heg. Dit sal die lewe van samesyn in passie motiveer en dus die weg berei vir die erkenning van mekaar se godsdiens met agting, die verdra van godsdienstige praktyke en 'n beskouing van mekaar as lede van dieselfde gemeenskap sonder godsdienstige afsondering. Die navorsing is betekenisvol omdat die kwessie van wanfunksionele uitsluiting mense ontmens en godsdienstige krisisse veroorsaak, wat al baie lewens in die noordelike state van Nigerië geëis het.

M. Tech. Business Administration / Financial distress and bankruptcy is one of the most significant threats to the going concern of many businesses, irrespective of their size and nature of operations. Research in corporate financial distress and corporate failure prediction dates back to the mid-sixties, and the bulk of the studies have been conducted within the context of highly developed market economies. Very little research has been conducted within the context of emerging markets, and using small and medium-sized firms. This therefore encouraged the author of this research report to conduct a study, applying a model specifically developed for emerging economies to predict financial distress of small and medium-sized South African listed firms. The main purpose of this study is to examine whether a model designed for financial distress prediction and credit scoring in emerging markets is reliable, and can be accurately applied in South Africa.

<p>For scholars of international relations, reputation for resolve - the belief that an actor will stand firm in future disputes - has served as a seminal explanation for the outcome of interstate crises. Scholars studying state reputation remain divided as to which characteristics of the state determine reputation for resolve. Recent scholarship questions this traditional state-centric view of international relations, indicating leaders can be as influential as states in international affairs. My dissertation investigates whether individual leaders can develop reputations for resolve independently from the states they serve. In doing so, my dissertation bridges the state-centric and leader-centric literatures, contributing to our understanding of both reputations for resolve and the impact of individual leaders on international politics. My theory focuses on reputation development as I examine which information decision-makers use to make assessments of resolve. As leaders are the primary arbiters of foreign policy and interact substantially with each other during international crises and negotiations, I conclude that leaders should be able to develop independent reputations for resolve based on their behavior while in office. I further theorize that, due to the ways in which individuals access and process information, a leader's early actions while in office will matter more in assessments of his/her resolve, making initial reputations difficult to change. </p><p> To test my theory against alternative hypotheses, I employ a multi-methods research design using experimental surveys, statistical duration analysis, and a historical case study. The experiments focus on the internal causal mechanisms by which individuals process information to make predictions of a leader's resolve. To test the external validity of my theory, I employ a duration analysis to examine how the resoluteness of a leader's response to a crisis helps prevent that leader from being a target of future crises. Finally, the case study uses process tracing methods to investigate the extent to which individual leaders develop reputations for resolve over time. Through these multiple methods, I find robust evidence that leaders do develop reputations for resolve independently from their state's reputation. The experiments indicate that leader behavior is influential on perceptions of resolve even when accounting for state-based characteristics. Furthermore, I find that participants are more likely to seek out and prioritize leader-based information. I also find that early perceptions of resolve have a significant impact on later perceptions. The duration analysis indicates that the resoluteness of a leader's behavior can affect his/her risk of future crisis onset. Finally, the case study shows that potential challenger leaders do take leader-based information into account when making assessments of resolve and that a leader's early behavior is particularly influential to the development of his/her reputation for resolve. Based on this evidence I conclude that leaders can develop reputations for resolve. These reputations are primarily based on a leader's statements and behavior, even when controlling for state-based variables, and are resistant to change once formed.</p> / Dissertation

published_or_final_version / Urban Planning / Master / Master of Science in Urban Planning