Forum: EU-Diplomatie im Jahre 2020

<p>During the peak of apartheid, the South African Defence Force (SADF) killed close to a thousand Namibian exiles at Cassinga in southern Angola. This happened on May 4 1978. In recent years, Namibia commemorates this day, nationwide, in remembrance of those killed and disappeared following the Cassinga attack. During each Cassinga anniversary, survivors are modelled into &quot / living testimonies&quot / of the Cassinga massacre. Customarily, at every occasion marking this event, a survivor is delegated to unpack, on behalf of other survivors, &quot / memories of Cassinga&quot / so that the inexperienced audience understands what happened on that day. Besides &quot / survivors‟ testimonies, edited video footage showing, among others, wrecks in the camp, wounded victims laying in hospital beds, an open mass grave with dead bodies, SADF paratroopers purportedly marching in Cassinga is also screened for the audience to witness agony of that day. Interestingly, the way such presentations are constructed draw challenging questions. For example, how can the visual and oral presentations of the Cassinga violence epitomize actual memories of the Cassinga massacre? How is it possible that such presentations can generate a sense of remembrance against forgetfulness of those who did not experience that traumatic event? When I interviewed a number of survivors (2007 - 2010), they saw no analogy between testimony (visual or oral) and memory. They argued that memory unlike testimony is personal (solid, inexplicable and indescribable). Memory is a true picture of experiencing the Cassinga massacre and enduring pain and suffering over the years. In considering survivors' challenge to the visually and orally obscured realities of the Cassinga massacre, this study will use a more lateral and alternative approach. This is a method of attempting to interrogate, among other issues of this study, the understanding of Cassinga beyond the inexperienced economies of this event production. The study also explores the different agencies, mainly political, that fuel and exacerbate the victims' unending pathos. These invasive miseries are anchored, according to survivors, in the disrupted expectations / or forsaken human dignity of survivors and families of the missing victims, especially following Namibia‟s independence in 1990.</p>

Hur beter sig skärpiplärkor (Anthus petrosus) när de försvarar reviret mot en inkräktare under häckning? Eskalerar de aggressivitet olika eller har de en gemensam strategi? Påverkas beteendet av häckningsfas? Kan använd tid säga något om motivation att försvara revir? För att besvara dessa frågor placerades en burhållen artfrände av endera kön i etablerade revir. I studien mättes ägnad tid åt olika aggressiva beteenden, vilka hade klassats och graderats beroende av styrkan i hoten. Resultatet visade att alla hanar eskalerar aggression på ett likartat sätt och ägnade i medeltal lika lång tid åt olika nivåer. Individuella skillnader förekom dock då några individer eskalerade lite snabbare men det tolkades inte som ökad motivation att försvara revir. Tiden de ägnade åt de olika nivåerna varierade inte beroende av häckningsfas. / How do rock pipits (Anthus petrosus) behave when they defend a territory against an intruder during their breeding season? Do they escalate aggression differently, or do they have a common strategy? Does breeding phase influence the behavior? May used time tell something about the motivation to defend the territory? To answer these questions a caged conspecific of either sex were placed in established territories. In the study the time was measured of each different aggressive behavior, which had been classified into levels according to the intensity of the threat. The results showed that all males escalated aggression in the same way and devoted similar lengths of time to the different levels. Some individual differences occurred as a few individuals escalated somewhat rapidly, however, this was not interpreted as increased motivation to defend the territory. The time they devoted to different levels did not vary depending on breeding phase.

En teoretisk kontroll av luftvärnsbataljonens sjukvårdsfunktion Syftet med detta arbete är att inom ramen för funktionsmålsättning för Försvarsmaktens hälso- och sjukvård kontrollera om luftvärnsbataljonens sjukvårdsfunktion enligt org. 09 är korrekt dimensionerad.  Frågeställningen är: När, med hänsyn till grupperingsgeometri, medicinska tidskrav samt evakueringskapacitet blir sjukvårdsfunktionen en begränsande faktor för luftvärnsbataljonen.  För att svara på detta jämförs luftvärnsbataljonens TOEM med kraven ur funktionsmålsättning för Försvarsmaktens hälso- sjukvård i syfte att kontrollera om sjukvårdsfunktionen ges förutsättning att lösa ställda uppgifter. Vidare analyseras faktorerna, aktionsradie, förlustskadeberäkningar preventiv medicin, samt evakueringskapacitet och grupperingsgeometri. Den viktigaste slutsatsen ur arbetet är: Det är inte sannolikt att samtliga enheter inom bataljonen kan åtnjuta möjligheten till adekvat sjukvård inom de tider som de medicinska kraven ställer. / The purpose of this essay is to investigate if the medical function in the Air Defence Battalion is enough.  The question to be answered in this essay is as follows: When, considering deployment geometry, medical time-demands and evacuation capacity does the medical function become a limiting factor for the AD Battalion?  A descriptive method is used in this essay. Material has been gathered and analysed to show the limitations of the battalion considering the medical function. A study has also been made. The material and the study are used as a base in the discussion and from the discussion and the results from the analysis, conclusions are drawn. One of these conclusions is that: It is not probable that all units in the Air Defence Battalion will receive proper medical attention within the time-span established in the guiding medical documents.

The subject of the thesis is a study of the projections from low threshold oral and face afferents to the cerebral cortex and of descending motor control mechanisms originating in the cerebral cortex or the hypothalamus and influencing the jaw reflexes.Cats anaesthetized with chi oral ose were used for the experiments. Ipsi- and contralateral nerves from the oral cavity and the face were stimulated electrically. Cortical potentials were averaged and recorded. The location of the projections was related to the cytoarchi-tectonic areas of the cerebral cortex. It was found that the afferents projected to separate maximum points in areas 3a, 3b, 5a and 6aß. The projections to areas 3a and 3b were somatotopically organized, but the layout of the projections on the cortex was not facelike.The effect of monopolar anodal stimulation of the cerebral cortex on the monosynaptic jaw closing and the di synaptic jaw opening reflexes was investigated. A sequence of facilitation and inhibition of both reflexes was elicited by cortical stimulation. The effects were of short latency (2.5 ms) and could start with either facilitation or inhibition. The timecourse of the sequence was sinuslike with a period of 10 ms. The largest effect originated in the "sensory" areas 3a and 3b and not in the "motor" areas 4y and 6ag. It is suggested, that a tri gemino-cortico-tri geminai loop via area 3a may function in reflex modulation of jaw movements.The hypothalamic effects on the jaw reflexes were evoked by electrical stimulation in those parts of the hypothalamus, which are w known to generate defence, attack or feeding responses. A tenfold facilitation of the jaw closing reflex and a facilitation followed by almost complete inhibition of the jaw opening reflex were observed in the anaesthetized animal with intact cerebral cortex. The effects remained but were diminished in amplitude after cortical ablation. The descending path was located in the ventral midbrain tegmentum.It is suggested that the observed hypothalamo-tri geminai mechanism may exercise a tonic influence on the trigeminal motoneurones, thereby controlling the set points of the biting force and the rest position. The implications of this hypothesis on the etiology of bruxism and the myofascial pain-dysfunction are discussed. / <p>Härtill 3 rapporter.</p> / digitalisering@umu

By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.

Sarcoptes scabiei is a disease-causing parasitic mite of humans and animals that is prevalent worldwide. The parasite lives in burrows in the epidermis of its host. These burrows are formed by a combination of mechanical destruction by the mite and secretion of various factors. The enzyme superoxide dismutase (SOD) catalyzes the dismutation of superoxide into oxygen and hydrogen peroxide. As such, it is an important antioxidant defense in nearly all cells exposed to oxygen. In this project, the enzyme was expressed in transformed Escherichia coli cells. The SOD cDNA from S. scabiei was ligated into two different expression vectors: pPU16 and pET-14b. The S. scabiei SOD open reading frame reported here is 696 nucleotides long and yields a protein with a molecular weight of  69.5 kDa. Only one of the constructs was successfully created, using pPU16. The construct was designated pPU110 and has a sequence coding for a hexahistidine tag downstream of the SOD cDNA and has a sequence coding for the maltose binding protein (MBP) upstream. The expression plasmid pPU110 was verified by DNA-sequencing and the tested in different expression experiments. Analysis using SDS-PAGE showed that recombinant fusion SOD could be readily expressed in E.coli.

Denna uppsats på C-nivå, som en del av Försvarshögskolans Chefsprogram, har som syfte att bidra till en ökad förståelse för styrningsproblematiken och den problematiska relationen mellan statsmakten och Försvarsmakten. Den huvudsakliga metoden i denna uppsats empiridel är en form av kvalitativ textanalys av regeringens Planeringsanvisningar för Försvarsmaktens budgetunderlag och det dokument som kommunicerar med denna vilken är Försvarsmaktens budgetunderlag för att undersöka om det finns missförståelse mellan av statsmakten ställd uppgift och av Försvarsmakten uppfattad uppgift. Dessa dokument är också det huvudsakliga källmaterialet. Andra dokument som används är t ex regleringsbrev och propositioner. Uppsatsens övergripande frågeställning är huruvida regeringens styrning är otydlig eller svårtolkad eller om Försvarsmakten inte förstår vad regeringen vill? Den mera konkreta frågan är; Finns det missförståelse mellan av regeringen ställd och av Försvarsmakten uppfattad uppgift? Avslutningsvis presenteras möjliga tolkningar av hur vi kan förstå den problematiska styrningen. Planeringsanvisningarnas krav på Försvarsmaktens förmågor är analyserade mot Försvarsmaktens svar i budgetunderlagen för åren 2005, 2006, 2007 och 2008. / This essay, at a C-level as a part of the National Defense College Senior Staff Course, has as purpose to contribute to the general understanding of the problems connected to the political governance of armed forces. The main method used in the empiric part of this essay is a text analysis of the political guidelines to the military part of the states finances budget process and the corresponding military counterpart. A comparison between the documents will be done in order to seek discrepancies in the directives from the government and the way they are interpreted by the armed forces. The main question is if the governments´ guidelines are indistinct and difficult to interpret or if the military, on the contrary, is unable to apprehend? In the essay some possible interpretations of how to understand the problems about political governance of armed forces will be presented. / Avdelning: ALB – Slutet Mag. 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 07-09

I nationens intresse: (En beskrivning och analys av texter från regeringen ochFörsvarsberedningen 2008 vad avser ”nationella intressen” i svensk säkerhetspolitik.)Att försvara svenska värden och intressen är nu jämte försvaret av Sverige Försvarsmaktensfrämsta uppgift. Nu när begreppet ”nationellt intresse” verkar ha fått en ny och viktig roll i svensksäkerhetspolitik så är det angeläget att undersöka mer systematiskt på vilket sätt det förhåller sig.Det är med denna bakomliggande tanke som ämnet för uppsatsen är valt, dvs. att undersöka vilkenroll den klassiska termen ”nationella intressen” spelar i nutida svensk försvars ochsäkerhetspolitik.Som grund för undersökningen har jag har analyserat officiella tal, artiklar och uttalanden utlagdapå regeringens hemsida från januari 2008 till november 2008 av Sveriges statsminister,utrikesminister och försvarsminister. Alla texter har kontrollerats om begreppet nationellaintressen, svenska intressen, egenintresse inklusive engelska översättningar och svenska böjningarförekommer. Jag har även analyserat karaktären av de nationella intressen som finns redovisade iFörsvarsberedningens rapport Försvar i användning. Sveriges nationella intressen är därdefinierade som: 1. Upprätthålla och säkra Sveriges välstånd.(Önskat intresse) 2. Upprätthålla ochsäkra Sveriges trygghet och säkerhet.(Operationellt intresse) 3. En världsordning med sin grund ifolkrätten, för att uppnå fred, frihet och försoning.(Önskat intresse) 4. Ett stabilt och förutsägbartnärområde.(Operationellt intresse) och använt dem som utgångspunkt i diskussion och analys.Undersökningen visar att begreppet innehar rollen såsom ett centralt analytiskt begrepp och utryckför politiskt handlande i svensk säkerhetspolitik. Men ju mer man preciserar innebörden avbegreppet så nedgår det politiska utrymmet för dess användning. Det ligger alltså i dess politiskaanvändningsområdes natur att förbli oprecist och övergripande för att fortsätta inneha en centralroll. Det uppkommer ett dilemma när begreppet skall fungera väl i ytterligare en roll. Nämligen irollen såsom värdeord för målstyrning av Försvarsmakten vilket kräver precisering ochkonkretisering. / Defending Swedish values and national interests are- together with the defense of Sweden- theprinciple tasks of the Armed Forces. This concept of “national interest” has gained particularcuriosity resent, thus both the traditional and contemporary notion(s) are examined.To accomplish the above an analysis of relevant documents, speeches and statements betweenJanuary 2008 and November 2008 has been conducted. Statements of policy from the Swedishgovernment have been investigated for evidence of vested interests. All texts have been checkedfor the concept of national interests, Swedish interests, vested interests including Englishtranslations and their possible distortions. A review of the of the Ministry of Defence ‘SwedishDefense Commission Report (2008)’. In this document Sweden’s “national interests” are definedas: Maintain and secure Sweden's prosperity. (Aspirational interest) Maintain and ensure thatSweden is safe and secure. (Operational interest) A world order with its basis in international law,in order to achieve peace, freedom and reconciliation. (Aspirational interest ) A predictable andstable surrounding area. (Operational interest)The survey attempts to show that the concept is holding a role as a key analytical concept and anexpression of political action in the Swedish security policy. But the more you clarify the meaningof the term so fall the political space for its use. It is therefore in its political nature to remainimprecise to continue to hold a central role. One current dilemma for the Armed Forces is that inorder for it to function effectively it requires clearly defined goals whilst the political use of the“national interest” can have the obverse consequence. / Avdelning: ALB – Slutet Mag. 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 07-09

By creating a common foreign policy the EU stands to maximize its international clout and leverage over the globe, in much the same fashion as it has done with its united economic policies. European integrationists imagine the EU becoming a major global power, speaking with one voice, substantially increasing its political clout. As a major power the EU could stand to become a counterbalance to the United States, stabilizing the current unipolar world system and offering a real alternative on the global scene. However, standing in the way of such pursuits is the EU member states unwillingness to give up national sovereignty, along with their own individual foreign policy interests, orientations, traditions, and histories. Achieving global superpower status is most unlikely, but the EU can still make great strides in the area of foreign affairs if it can develop some common ground to work upon. This thesis seeks to expand upon the literature discussing the European Unions foreign policy process. It seeks to clarify the issues preventing the development of meaningful foreign policy, and therefore contribute to the body of knowledge concerning the difficulties that the EU faces. By examining the recent events of the preamble to the war in Iraq, this study analyzes the CFSP as it is to date, and draws conclusion about the nature of collective decision-making within the EU. It is also valuable in its analysis of the foreign policy process and how this in turn reflects upon the wider process of European integration.