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Learning from traumatic events: a comparative case study of governmental close protection policies in the aftermath of the murder of Olof Palme and Anna LindhViolent and threatful crimes against politicians are as despicable as any other crime acts against citizen. However, if politicians are targeted solely due to their position – the act can seriously damage the state and central government. This paper compares reports of government commissions and investigations which were initiated after the murder of Swedish prime minister Olof Palme in 1986 and secretary of state Anna Lindh in 2003. The purpose is to analyse and compare the conclusions and distinguish the main arguments that led to those conclusions and decipher similarities and differences through the lens of Tom Christensen’s instrumental perspective as well as Peter May’s social policy learning theory. The methodological approach of a qualitative method for this study fosters a deeper understanding of the ideological stances. Furthermore, the qualitative approach of conducting interviews with officials in various government positions has allowed for a more nuanced and thoughtful analysis. Together with the commissions and report, the interviews provide a holistic perspective of the two timeframes. The research question has been posed as follows: When comparing government commissions regarding the close protection of the central government, which essential similarities and differences can be distinguished? The result suggests that, an ideological change regarding main threats against the central government has taken place. The main policy discussions in the aftermath of the murder of prime minister Olof Palme was terrorism and if it could have been prevented at the time being. One major policy change was the build-up of the Swedish counter-terrorist unit. The main policy discussions in the aftermath of the murder of Anna Lindh was the issue of citizens with severe mental illnesses and how to detect those that pose serious threats to the central government at an earlier stage. Furthermore, given the conclusions of the commissions and reports, it is possible to determine that ”social policy learning” has occurred as according to Peter May’s theory. However, the study also notes an crucial exception; government officials in need of close protection can henceforth conform the structure of it and determine whether they want it or not.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The trafficking of children, with the purpose of sexual exploitation, has attained significant attention in the international realm. At present, children‟s human rights are protected by a number of international treaties adopted by the United Nations, which are also ratified by many states. These treaties have a norm setting function which influences domestic laws in the countries that have ratified them. The „1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child‟, the „Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime‟ together with the „2002 Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography‟ are important treaties with norm setting functions. These treaties influence international attitudes and policy measures concerning child trafficking. South Africa, the focus of this study, is in the process of creating a comprehensive legislative framework with the aim to protect children and combat child trafficking. Thus, this thesis examines how international treaties have impacted on South Africa‟s domestic legislation with regards to child trafficking. The influence of international treaties and norms on domestic policy and norms regarding child trafficking is illuminated in this study. This analysis builds on a model put forward by Sikkink and Finnemore (1998) of how norms are created by norm entrepreneurs. The assumption is that norms develop in phases through different platforms of organizations and states and these norms eventually become the status quo. This study provides an overview of international and domestic law pertaining to child trafficking as well as a theoretical discussion on the evolution of these norms. A theoretical framework of constructivism and to a lesser extent institutionalism is applied as an analytical tool in order to critically analyse the influence of international treaties on domestic policies in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Handel in kinders, met die doel van seksuele uitbuiting, het aansienlike aandag gekry in die internasionale arena. Op die oomblik word die menseregte van kinders beskerm deur 'n aantal internasionale ooreenkomste wat deur die Verenigde Nasies gesluit is, wat ook deur baie state bekragtig is. Hierdie verdrae het 'n standaard normstelllingsfunksie wat binnelandse wette beïnvloed in die lande wat hierdie verdrae bekragtig. Die "1989 Konvensie van die Regte van die Kind", Die Protokol ter Voorkoming, Onderdrukking en Straf van Mensehandel, veral Vroue en Kinders, ter aanvulling van die Verenigde Nasies se Konvensie teen Transnasionale Georganiseerde Misdaad saam met die 2002 Opsionele Protokol tot die Konvensie van die Regte van die Kind op die Verkoop van Kinders, Kinderprostitusie en Kinderpornografie is belangrike verdrae met standaard normstellingsfunksies. Hierdie internasionale verdrae beïnvloed houdings en beleidsmaatreëls oor kinderhandel. Suid Suid-Afrika die fokus van hierdie studie, is in die proses om van 'n omvattende wetgewende raamwerk te ontwikkel wat daarop gemik is om kinders te beskerm en kinderhandel te bestry. Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die impak van internasionale verdrae op die Suid-Afrika se plaaslike wetgewing met betrekking tot kinderhandel. Die invloed van internasionale verdrae en normes op binnelandse beleid en normes ten opsigte van kinderhandel word in hierdie studie ondersoek. Hierdie ontleding is gebaseer op 'n model van Sikkink en Finnemore (1998) oor hoe norme deur norm-entrepreneurs geskep word. Die aanname is dat normes in fases ontwikkel deur middel van verskillende platforms van organisasies en state en dat hierdie norme uiteindelik die status quo word. Hierdie studie gee 'n oorsig van internasionale en plaaslike wetgewing met betrekking tot kinderhandel, sowel as 'n teoretiese ontleding van die evolusie van hierdie standaarde. 'n Teoretiese raamwerk van konstruktivisme en tot 'n mindere mate institutionalisme word toegepas as 'n analitiese instrument om die invloed van internasionale verdrae op die binnelandse beleid van Suid-Afrika krities te analiseer. Sleutelterme: kinderhandel, internasionale reg, norme, konstruktivisme, beleid, Suid-Afrika.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2016-09-02T12:49:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FRANCISCA SOARES DE LIMA.pdf: 746819 bytes, checksum: 5b9d227536e06f00abf741dd03875c94 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-02T12:49:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FRANCISCA SOARES DE LIMA.pdf: 746819 bytes, checksum: 5b9d227536e06f00abf741dd03875c94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-14 / This study is to show the sharing of benefits due to access to traditional knowledge associated with genetic resources, after Law 13.123, of May 20, 2015, known as the New legal Mark of Biodiversity. The international growth of the issues related to the theme and situation of Brazil as a country holder of relevant biodiversity, justify the study done. It was intended to verify if the new standard promotes the sharing of benefits between providers and users in a fair and equitable manner as stipulated in the Convention on Biological Diversity and the Nagoya Protocol. To achieve this goal we initially approached the international Biodiversity protection idea. Protection brought unsuccessfully by means of intellectual property rights. Necessarily we refer to the DBC determinations and the Nagoya Protocol, world icons of biodiversity protection. Taking up the issue on the national scene we list the provisions of national law, facing the main problems of the regulation in force until the approval of the new law. We discuss some cases of disrespect of the law by companies using traditional knowledge associated to the detriment of indigenous peoples, communities and traditional farmers. Finally, we analyze the provisions of the new law, especially the items focused on allocation of benefits, being possible to conclude, by the lack of legitimacy and effectiveness of the law, as regards the sharing of benefits. / O objetivo do presente trabalho foi estudar a repartição de benefícios decorrentes do acesso ao conhecimento tradicional associado ao patrimônio genético, após a edição da Lei 13.123, de 20 de maio de 2015, conhecida como o Novo Marco Legal da Biodiversidade. O crescimento internacional das questões ligadas ao tema e situação do Brasil, como país detentor de relevante biodiversidade, justificam a realização do trabalho. Pretendeu-se verificar se as disposições da nova norma promovem uma repartição de benefícios entre provedores e usuários, de forma justa e equitativa, como estabelecem a Convenção de Diversidade Biológica e o Protocolo de Nagoya. Para atingir esse objetivo abordamos inicialmente o surgimento a nível internacional da ideia de proteção da biodiversidade. Proteção intentada, sem sucesso, por intermédio dos direitos de propriedade intelectual. Necessariamente nos reportamos às determinações da CDB e do Protocolo de Nagoya, ícones mundiais da proteção da biodiversidade. Retomando a questão no cenário nacional elencamos as disposições da legislação nacional, enfrentando os principais gargalos da norma regulamentadora, vigente até a aprovação da nova lei. À título de ilustração levantamos alguns casos de desrespeito da legislação por parte de empresas utilizadoras de conhecimento tradicional associado, em detrimento dos povos indígenas, comunidades e agricultores tradicionais. Por fim, analisamos as disposições da nova lei, especialmente dos itens voltados à questão ligada à repartição de benefícios, sendo possível concluir, a priori, pela ausência de legitimidade e de efetividade da lei, no que se refere à repartição de benefícios.

Thesis (M.A.)--James Madison University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D. (English)) - Rhodes University, 2008

Ce travail étudie les liens qui relient la critique dramatique à une forme d’engagement politique dont certaines revues généralistes ont été porteuses du milieu des années 1960 au début des années 1980, à partir d’un corpus d’articles parus dans Les Temps modernes, Esprit et La Quinzaine Littéraire, dont la plupart sont respectivement signés par Renée Saurel, Alfred Simon et Gilles Sandier. La politisation de cette critique se manifeste dans laconception qu’elle professe du rôle du théâtre dans la société, dans les critères qu’elle applique à l’analyse des spectacles, dans sa participation aux débats des milieux artistiques et intellectuels, mais aussi dans l’acte même de l’écriture. La critique théâtrale pratiquée dans ces revues tend à se distinguer à la fois de la chronique journalistique et ducommentaire savant. Si sa périodicité lui permet de suivre l’actualité de la scène française (et surtout celle du théâtre public parisien), elle entend rompre avec le modèle traditionnel du compte-Rendu journalistique effectué sur un mode impressioniste. Elle tente d’expliciter ses critères de jugement en les rapportant aux problèmes théoriques soulevés par le marxisme, le brechtisme ou encore le structuralisme. Pour ce faire, elle s’ouvre à de nouveaux domaines de controverse comme celui des politiques culturelles. Bien qu’elle reconnaisse un certain degré d’autonomie aux questions esthétiques, elle considère l’écriture et la mise en scène au prisme de l’efficacité politique, en vue de promouvoir un théâtre véritablement populaire. Support matériel et instance symbolique, la revue constitue un lieu propice pour une critique alliant la revendication politique à l’exigence de savoir. / This research project aims to analyse the links between drama critique and political commitment, manifest in a number of reviews from the mid-1960s to the early 1980s. This investigation focuses on a corpus of articles published in Les Temps Modernes, Esprit and La Quinzaine Littéraire, most often signed by, respectively, Renée Saurel, AlfredSimon, and Gilles Sandier. This critique’s politicisation is most evident in four main areas, namely: its conception of the social function of theatre; in the selected criteria used to analyse performances; in its active involvment in the artistic and intellectual debates of the time; as well as in the very act of critical writing. The particular form of theatre critique emerging from these reviews tends to differ both from the journalistic column and from the scholarly commentary. These reviews’ publishing frequency allows this form of critique toremain topical in regards to contemporary french (and particularly public parisian) theatre; however, these texts also seek to break away from the traditional model of the theatre review and its impressionist mode. This critical movement attempts to explicate its criteria of appraisal by basing itself on the theoretical issues raised by Marxism, brechtism and/or structuralism. In so doing, it opens up its focus to include new controversial areas, such as debates on cultural policies. Despite aknowledging some form of autonomy to aesthetic issues, this critique analyses writing and mise-En-Scène through the lens of political efficiency, as a means to develop a genuine popular theatre. These reviews, considered here both as materialised spaces for intellectual debate and as objects of symbolic authority, become fertile loci in which to foster a new form of critique aiming to combine the development of theoretical frameworks with political commitment.

Over the last decades, film theories with their focus on the mere audiovisual quality of cinema have been questioned by film scholars with a phenomenological interest. According to these critical approaches, the film experience cannot be understood through a mere involvement of the eye (and the ear). In this context, to disregard the significance of a multisensory attachment to the film results in the consideration of relationship between the film and the viewer to be a dominating one. This dissertation examines this multisensory attachment and aims to define the film experience as an embodied relationship between the film and the viewer by means of a formal analysis of the Turkish director Nuri Bilge Ceylan’s early films. Throughout the dissertation, it is argued that Ceylan encourages his viewer in various forms to have a more sensual and immediate experience of his films rather than to compel them to adhere to symbols and abstractions through a kind of intellectual effort – an intellectual effort that would damage the “sensuous” attachment between the film and the viewer.

Mai 1968 en France ouvre la voie à un renouveau du cinéma d'intervention sociale et politique, qui adopte le plus souvent la forme documentaire. Deux ans plus tard, émerge le Mouvement de libération des femmes (MLF), un "nouveau féminisme" qui invite les femmes à lutter contre leur oppression spécifique et pour la libre disposition de leur corps et de leur sexualité. Cette thèse propose d'étudier les rapports qui se nouent entre cinéma, vidéo et féminisme entre 1968 et 1981 en France, sous les angles à la fois historique et esthétique, des pratiques de production/diffusion et des formes filmiques. Comment la caméra a-t-elle été investie pour accompagner et populariser les luttes féministes ? Quel a été l'impact du féminisme dans le champ cinématographique et vidéographique ? Un parcours au cœur d'un corpus filmique riche, protéiforme et méconnu doit permettre de dessiner cette histoire complexe et de montrer que, puissant instrument de contre-pouvoir et d'agitation directe, la caméra s'impose aussi aux femmes comme un moyen d'expression et de créativité privilégié dans leur quête d'identité individuelle et collective. La première partie revient sur l'irruption de la "question des femmes" à l'intérieur du cinéma militant reconfiguré après mai 1968 : l'ouverture d'un front féministe spécifique au sein d'un cinéma orienté principalement vers la lutte des classes se révèle très limitée et parfois conflictuelle. La seconde partie interroge l'apparition d'une pratique féministe autonome des femmes, qui s'orientent vers une démarche politique d'auto-représentation, dans le champ de la vidéo militante. S'emparer de la caméra répond ici à une exigence politique de prise de parole et de réappropriation de leur corps et de leur sexualité par l'image. Au-delà du noyau dur des films d'intervention, la troisième partie interroge les usages et les politiques féministes du cinéma. Elle soumet en particulier le "cinéma des femmes" à l'épreuve du féminisme, au crible de ses théories et de ses pratiques. / May 1968 in France opens the way to a renewal of a cinema of social and political intervention that most often adopts a documentary form. Two years later, the Women's Liberation Movement a "new feminism" emerges and invites women to fight against their own oppression and for a freedom of choice with matters regarding their body and their sexuality. This thesis proposes to study the relations forged between cinema, video and feminism between 1968 and 1981 in France, both historically and aesthetically, in terms of production/distribution practices and film forms. In what ways has the camera been invested with the task of accompanying and popularizing feminist struggles ? What has the impact of feminism been in the field of cinema and video ? A look at a rich, diverse and little known body of films allows us to trace this complex history and to show that, as a powerful anti¬establishment and direct action instrument, the camera imposes itself as a preferred means of expression and creativity in women's search for an individual and collective identity. The first part addresses the sudden development of the "woman question" in a militant cinema that reconfigures itself after May 1968 : the opening of a specific feminist coalition within a cinema that was mostly oriented towards class struggle reveals itself as very limited and sometimes antagonistic. The second part questions the appearance of an autonomous feminist practice by women that takes a political approach to self-representation in the field of video activism. Here, taking hold of the camera is a response to a political need to speak out and to reappropriate their body and their sexuality through the image. Beyond the hard core of militant films, the third part examines the uses and the feminist politics of cinema. In particular, it puts "women's cinema" to the test in terms of feminism in order to closely examine its theories and practices.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished