La revue Tel Quel était une plateforme du maoïsme en France autour de Mai 68. Le maoïsme de Tel Quel est non seulement un phénomène politique, mais aussi un phénomène culturel. Il y a trois thèmes de recherche sur le maoïsme de Tel Quel : le maoïsme de Tel Quel et le marxisme; le maoïsme de Tel Quel et la critique du bureaucratisme; et enfin le maoïsme et la culture chinoise (classique). Malgré la fascination des maoïstes "telqueliens" pour la Chine dans les domaines de la politique et de la culture, surtout avec la Révolution culturelle qui intégra les révolutions politiques au nom de la culture, le maoïsme de Tel Quel est un imaginaire sur la Chine. C'était une introjection de la Chine en France avec une négation de la réalité de la Chine de Mao. De plus, le maoïsme de Tel Quel est une critique des intellectuels sur l’aliénation de la modernité. En conséquence, l’observation du maoïsme en France est une réflexion sur le rôle de l’intellectuel, et aussi une réflexion sur la société française autour de Mai 68 / Tel Quel is one of the important platforms of Maoism around the May 1968 in France. The Maoism of Tel Quel is not only a phenomenon of politics but also a phenomenon of culture. There are there parts of this thesis: Maoism and Marxism, Maoism and the critiques on bureaucratism, and Maoism and Chinese traditional culture.Although Tel Quel showed great interest to the Chinese politics and culture, especially to the Culture Revolution in China, the Maoism it carried out was the imagination of China. The fact is that the intellectuals utilized the imagined China which reflected the political needs to criticize the social realities in France, but they ignored the true China. Otherwise, the Maoism of Tel Quel is the intellectuals’ criticism to the alienation of modernism in France. Therefore, the investigation on Tel Quel is the investigation of the role that intellectuals played in May 1968 and the perspective of the whole French society around the May 1968 in France.

This study is intended to illustrate how the reformist and revolutionary directions in the labor movement are manifested and visualized in the empirical material with regard to angry culture, thus contributing to an understanding of the informative importance of the image. It is clear that the investigated material in the form of social democratic and communist 1 May posters from the period 1922-1948 reflects its time (the interwar period to the post-war era) with regard to angry culture.  It is not the aesthetic aspect that is central, but the historical and political perspective in terms of information transmission. This study focuses on how to understand a historical period through an image material. The study aims to answer the question of what kind of information is communicated built on an analysis based on a combination of semiotics and hegemony analysis of the empirical material. Using the semiotic concepts denotation and connotation, the posters are analyzed in detail in the image analysis in combination with Stuart Hall's three hypothetical positions (codes), Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony concept, primarily in the form of “war of position” and “historic blocs”, is used to understand the historical period investigated. This method triangulation increases the credibility of the results. As far as the study and its results are concerned, it can be noted that the social democratic 1 May posters before 1936 (Social Democrats’ power access) with regard to “sublimed wrath” mainly represent consensus across class boundaries. The communist 1 May posters from that period, however, primarily represent “class war” and stand for “open anger”. After the Social Democrats’ access to power, it is clear that they constitute a historic bloc and that the communists are forced to adopt a more defensive approach, pronounced in drained paroles with a vague content. The conclusion with regard to the visual transmission of political and historical information and messages regarding social democratic and communistic 1 May posters from 1922-1948, based on socialist angry cultures is that the period between the wars was characterized by class struggle versus consensus, World War ll reduced everything to “hold together” and post-war time represents the starting point for the welfare state, as a successful consequence of the social democratic “dignity project”.

This diploma thesis deals with the issue of presidential policy in the case of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The The diploma thesis focuses on how the British Prime Minister's relations with other cabinet members have changed in the context of European integration. We explore the first year of Theresa May's first cabinet. The work takes into account the historical development and the moments that are relevant to the topic. It also has done an excursion to the history of Eurointegration in relation to Great Britain or those events that could have determined the current developments that resulted in the vote on Brexit and Theresa May taking the office of the Prime Minister of Great Britain.

Sammansättningen av leukocyter i perifert blod varierar med olika sjukdomstillstånd och analys av cellerna är avgörande vid diagnostisering och uppföljning av olika leukemier.  Manuell mikroskopering och utvärdering av leukocyterna är tidskrävande och inte alltid självklar eftersom det krävs personal med hög kompetens och erfarenhet för bedömning av cellerna. En tillförlitlig förklassificering av den manuella differentialräknaren CellaVision DM1200 är därför av stort intresse för att underlätta kvantifiering och klassificering av cellerna. För att se om instrumentets förklassificering påverkades av infärgningen undersöktes färglösningens inverkan genom ändringar i fosfatbuffertens pH. Blodutstryk som härstammade från 10 patientprov färgades in med buffertar med pH 6.0, 6.8 och 7.5. Studien visade på en god positiv korrelation i samtliga pH-justerade buffertar, men med bäst resultat för pH 6.0 och 6.8. CellaVision DM1200:s förklassificering av eosinofila granulocyter påverkades mest av pH ändringar, vilket kan förklaras av deras starkt acidofila granula. / In peripheral blood the composition of leukocytes vary due to diseases and therefore analysis of the cells is critical in diagnosing and monitoring various leukemias. Manual microscopy and evaluation of the leukocytes is time consuming and not always clear, and it requires educated staff with long experience to assess the cells. A reliable automatic pre-classification of the cells with the system CellaVision DM12000 is therefor of great interest to facilitate quantification and classification of leukocytes. To evaluate if the instrument’s pre-classification were affected by staining, changes of the current staining solution used in clinical assessment where made by adjustment of the phosphate buffer pH. Examined blood smears that were descendent from 10 different samples were stained in buffers with pH 6.0, 6.8 and 7.5. This study showed a high positive correlation in all of the pH-adjusted buffers with the best results in pH 6.0 and 6.8. CellaVision DM1200’s pre-classification of eosinophilic granulocytes were most affected by changes in pH, which can be explained by their strongly acidophilic granules.

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Counterculture history is often divided, with a focus on either the turbulent 1960s or the "back to the land" exodus of the 1970s. A study of Stephen Gaskin and his followers' founding of The Farm, a rural commune near Summertown, Tennessee, provides a unique insight into the commonalities and connections of these two periods. It will be the aim of this thesis to weave the separate narratives of this demographic into one complete idea. The idea that the hippies constituted a counterculture suggests that once that culture went into exile, onto numerous communes, they existed as a diaspora. The Farm's existence as a spiritual commune, with their roots in Haight-Ashbury's short-lived utopian dream, and their continuation and evolution of that dream in Tennessee, make this particular group a model for the diaspora. The Farm, with its larger profile, publishing, and outreach programs, became the preeminent post-Haight-Ashbury commune. The commune was able to preserve the counterculture in exile, while it became a leader in dictating the direction of its progress. The Farm's efforts in midwifery, sustainable living, promotion of vegetarian diets, and outreach in America's inner cities and the Third World all point to a proactive counterculture and the commune's leadership role for the remnants of the counterculture. While the profile of the counterculture has diminished, a shift in American attitudes toward natural childbirth, ecology, and a more earth-friendly diet containing a greater variety of organic and vegetarian options reveal a significant success for their agenda.

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