Réinscrivant le processus d’intégration européenne dans une Histoire de la Guerre froide et post-Guerre froide et plus généralement dans une histoire européenne plus longue que le seul XXe siècle, cette thèse explore l’histoire des relations de la Commission européenne avec la périphérie sud-orientale du continent. La longue période chronologique étudiée permets de mettre en exergue les « forces profondes » qui se tiennent derrières les actions de l’exécutif de la CEE/UE dans une région critique pour l’Europe. Pour se faire, nous nous sommes basés sur les archives de la Commission européenne, du Conseil, du Département d’État américain, des Ministères des affaires étrangères français et britannique, de la bibliothèque de Cluj-Napoca en Roumanie et d’entretiens.Divisée en quatre parties, chacune se centrant sur une période chronologique, ce travail analyse l’action de la Commission face aux changements qui ont bouleversé l’Europe du Sud-est entre 1960 et 2010. L’adaptation constante de la politique de la Commission, de la « doctrine de l’Association » à la Synergie de la Mer Noire, nous ont amené à développer l’idée d’une Süd-ost politik qui se met en place dès le début des années 1960. Cependant, contrairement à l’Ostpolitik de Bonn, il ne s’agit pas pour Bruxelles d’aller vers les États communistes du Sud-est européen ou l’Union soviétique, mais plutôt de lutter contre leur influence. La Süd-Ost politik communautaire est clairement anticommuniste et antirusse.La Communauté fait barrage à Moscou en étendant le modèle de la démocratie libérale capitaliste dans la zone autour des Détroits. La situation stratégique d’Athènes, d’Ankara et plus tard de Tbilissi ou Kiev n’est pas oubliée par Bruxelles. Ainsi, la Commission s’inscrit dans une plus longue histoire, son action fait écho à la lutte entre Paris, Londres et Saint-Pétersbourg pour le contrôle des Détroits, aux tentatives des États de la région de copier les modèles nationaux d’Europe de l’Ouest et à la politique orientale des Puissances occidentales après 1918.Cependant, la Commission doit ménager des État membres qui lui rappellent sans cesse que ces actions doivent rester limitées aux traités. L’Avis sur la Grèce en 1976 marque le point culminant de ce débat entre Conseil et Commission. Parallèlement, au cours des années 1970, Bruxelles veille à ne pas laisser émerger dans sa périphérie des organisations qui pourraient la concurrencer. Il en sera ainsi de la Conférence pour la coopération et la sécurité en Europe et de son volet méditerranéen mais aussi de la Coopération Balkanique.Si la chute de l’Union soviétique fait naitre des hésitations sur la conduite à suivre vis-à-vis de l’Europe du Sud-est et sa nouvelle extension vers le Caucase et dans les anciennes républiques soviétiques. Bien vite la Commission revient à sa politique d’extension du modèle européen. Cependant, le centre des préoccupations communautaire n’est plus la Grèce ou la Turquie. Avec l’effondrement de l’Empire soviétique, le champ d’action de la Communauté -devenue Union- s’est élargi à l’ensemble de la Région Mer Noire.Pourtant, la non résolution du problème de Chypre, l’instabilité financière de la Grèce, les crises politiques turques, le maintien hors de Schengen de la Roumanie et de la Bulgarie sont des exemples des difficultés rencontrées par la Communauté dans la région.La guerre en Géorgie et l’annexion de la Crimée par la Russie à la suite de la révolution à Kiev illustrent que le processus « doux » d’inoculation des valeurs du Traité de Rome ne va pas de soi du moment que celui-ci rencontre une opposition « dure ». Nous achevons notre réflexion en nous posant la question de la capacité de l’Union et de la Commission à absorber à terme l’ensemble de la Mer Noire ce qui mettrait la Mésopotamie et l’Asie centrale en contact direct avec le processus d’intégration européenne.Il s’agit maintenant de savoir si la Mer Noire deviendra un " lac Européen". / Fitting the European integration process into the history of the Cold War and post-Cold War and more generally in European history longer than the “short” twentieth century, this thesis explores the history of relations between the European Commission and the South-Eastern outskirts of the continent. The long period studied allows to highlight the "deep forces" that stand behind the actions of the executive of the EEC / EU in such a critical region for Europe. To do so, we relied on the archives of the European Commission, the Council, the U.S. State Department, the British and French Ministries of Foreign Affairs, the library of Cluj-Napoca University in Romania and interviews.Divided into four parts, each focusing on a period of time, this work analyses the actions of the Commission to address the changes that have transformed the region between 1960 and 2010. The continuous adaptation of the policy of the Commission, from the "doctrine of Association” to the Black Sea Synergy, led us to develop the idea of a Süd-ost politik that was already designed in the early 1960s. However, unlike the Ostpolitik of Bonn, Brussels did not go toward the communist states of South-Eastern Europe or the Soviet Union, but rather prevent their influence. The Community’ Süd-Ost politik was clearly anti-communist and anti-Russian.This is the main continuity: the European Community had to block Moscow by extending the model of capitalist liberal democracy in the area around the Straits. The particular strategic situation of Athens, Ankara and later Tbilisi or Kiev is never forgotten by Brussels. In this, the Commission is part of a longer history, its action echoes the struggle between Paris, London and St. Petersburg for the control of the Turkish Straits, attempts by states in the region to copy Western European domestic models and the Eastern policy of the Western powers after the First World War.However, the Commission had to deal with the Member States that constantly reminded Brussels that its actions should remain within the framework of the Treaties. The Opinion on Greece in 1976 marks the culmination of the debate between the Council and Commission. Meanwhile, during the 1970s, the EEC executive carefully took care to stop the emergence of organizations in its periphery that could compete with the Community. This will be the Conference for Security and Cooperation in Europe and its Mediterranean component but also the Balkan Cooperation.In 1991, when the Soviet Union collapsed, the Commission was uncertain of what to do with South Eastern Europe and its new extension to the Caucasus and the former Soviet republics. The Commission quickly returned to its systematic policy of extending the European model. However, the centre of community concerns was not Greece or Turkey. With the collapse of the Soviet Empire, the scope of the Community –became Union- expanded to the entire Black Sea region.However, the failure to resolve the Cyprus problem, the financial instability of Greece that threatens the entire euro zone, political crises in Turkey, the decision to keep out of Schengen space Romania and Bulgaria are examples of the difficulties faced by the Community in the region.The war in Georgia and the annexation of Crimea by Russia following the revolution in Kiev illustrate that the “soft” inoculation process of the values of the Rome Treaty does not come by itself as long as it meets a “hard” opposition.We conclude our discussion by asking the question of the capacity of the Union and its Commission to absorb eventually the whole Black Sea basin, which would put Mesopotamia and Central Asia in direct contact with the European integration process.The question is now whether the Black Sea will eventually become a “European lake

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucy Gabrielli Bonifacio da Silva.pdf: 16053189 bytes, checksum: b2da9717c758c91368c7dc1ba01ae3ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The purpose of this dissertation is to track the historical trajectory of Jewish immigrants coming from East Europe to the city of São Paulo, especially those coming from countries that integrated the Russian Empire and, subsequently, the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. This is an attempt of rescuing the experiences of these immigrants made from their arrival in Brazil during the 1920s and 1930s, based on interviews produced and made available by the Oral History Center of the Jewish Brazilian Historical Archive, documents of the Jewish community institutions and records of DEOPS-SP, part of the estate of the Public Archive of the State of São Paulo. The study is presented in three chapters. The first covers the motivations for choosing Brazil as the immigration destination; the intra-group relations, as of the differentiations brought into evidence during the living together of the various Jewish immigrant groups; and the constitution of associations as socialization strategy and to face the adversities. The second chapter, in its turn, has as focus the relationship between the Eastern European Jews and the inhabitants of the city of São Paulo, identifying the dialogues between the Jewish immigrants and the territories occupied by them, with emphasis on Bom Retiro; as well as the working activities, particularly the function of peddler and its meaning as means of survival and social insertion tool. The form with which the Jews were arrested by the national members of São Paulo society of the time is also analyzed, approaching the relations between Jews, Brazilians and other foreigners. Finally, the third chapter deals with the institutional relationship. It is sought to identify how the contact between the policy of the Vargas government (1930-1945), represented by DEOPS-SP, and the Jewish immigrants coming from the member-countries of the then Soviet Union came about. By means of the documentation, it is sought to understand what was more relevant in the orientation of the vigilance and repression practices established by the Brazilian federal government: the anti-Semitism, the anti-communism or still both factors identified severally or in conjunction / O objetivo desta dissertação é rastrear a trajetória histórica dos imigrantes judeus oriundos do leste europeu na cidade de São Paulo, em especial aqueles vindos dos países que integravam o Império russo e, posteriormente, a União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas. Trata-se de resgatar as experiências desses imigrantes constituídas a partir de sua chegada no Brasil durante as décadas de 1920 e 1930, com base em entrevistas produzidas e disponibilizadas pelo Núcleo de História Oral do Arquivo Histórico Judaico Brasileiro, documentos das instituições comunitárias judaicas e prontuários do DEOPS-SP, parte do acervo do Arquivo Público do Estado de São Paulo. O estudo se apresenta em três capítulos. O primeiro aborda as motivações para a escolha do Brasil como destino imigratório; as relações intragrupo, a partir das diferenciações postas em evidência quando da convivência dos vários grupos judeus imigrados; e a constituição de associações como estratégia de socialização e para fazer frente às adversidades. O segundo capítulo, por sua vez, tem como foco a relação entre os judeus do leste europeu e os habitantes da cidade de São Paulo, identificando os diálogos entre os imigrantes judeus e os territórios por eles ocupados, com ênfase no Bom Retiro; bem como as atividades de trabalho, em particular a função de mascate e seu significado enquanto meio de sobrevivência e ferramenta de inserção social. Analisa-se também a forma como os judeus eram apreendidos pelos membros nacionais da sociedade paulistana da época, abordando-se as relações entre judeus, brasileiros e outros estrangeiros. Por fim, o terceiro capítulo versa sobre a relação institucional. Procurase identificar como se deu o contato entre a política do governo Vargas (1930-1945), representada pelo DEOPS-SP, e os imigrantes judeus originários dos paísesmembro da então União Soviética. Mediante a documentação busca-se compreender o que era mais relevante na orientação das práticas de vigilância e repressão estabelecidas pelo governo federal brasileiro: o antissemitismo, o anticomunismo ou ainda ambos os fatores identificados isoladamente ou em conjunto

The thesis addresses the puzzle of the differential integration of former communist states in the Euro-Atlantic community of nations between 1989 and 2000. Notwithstanding the predominant universalist-rationalist assumption that the adoption of an institutional-administrative blueprint for reform could lead to convergence between East and West, countries such as Poland, Bulgaria and Russia did not converge similarly (or at all) on the West European normative model and framework of international relations. To account for this divergence, the thesis examines the impact of the culturally-historically informed, Polish, Bulgarian and Russian identities and conceptions of 'Europe' (as opposed to the formal-institutional transition from one system to another) on the process of foreign policy transformation. The doctoral research employs Constructivism, Social Psychological insights and an interpretivist methodology, drawing on 75 elite interviews. The main argument states that differential Europeanisation can be understood on the basis of differentiated levels of inclusion and establishment of relations of mutual recognition and belongingness - substantiated by a differentiated extent of ideational affinity (i.e., normative compatibility), which are (re)enacted in the interactive, mutually constitutive process of identification between Self and Other (i.e., between Poland, Bulgaria and Russia and (Western) Europe). Three propositions of 'thick', 'ambivalent' and 'thin' Europeanisation are derived from the argument (whereby the comparative benchmark of Europeanisation is an ideal-typical model of European-ness). Key contributions focus on the development of a refined Constructivist theory and a systematic empirical comparison of Polish, Bulgarian and Russian foreign policy identities. Also, the study's conclusions reinvigorate and reconfirm the importance of the continuity (rather than just constant flux) of culturally-historically shaped patterns of group self-understandings and sub-regional identifications as well as Constructivism's greater plausibility in accounting for the research puzzle than (Neoclassical) Realism through the stipulation of a mutually constitutive relationship between international and domestic factors and between ideational and interest-based considerations.

Cette thèse porte sur le déclin de la participation électorale dans les dix démocraties post­communistes qui ont intégré l’Union européenne en 2004 et 2007. Ces pays ont connu la plus forte baisse de participation électorale observée en régimes démocratiques depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Afin de comprendre ce phénomène, la thèse adopte une approche qui est à la fois systématique, théorisée, quantitative et comparative. Elle est structurée autour d’un nouveau schéma directeur conceptuel pour l’étude de la participation électorale au niveau agrégé. Ce cadre théorique distingue quatre types de facteurs qui affectent la participation en fonction de la nature et la temporalité de leurs effets. Le rôle de chaque type dans le déclin post­communiste est théorisé et considéré l’un après l’autre. Les sections empiriques emploient des méthodes quantitatives et une comparaison à l’intérieur des dix pays mais également avec d’autres démocraties établies ou nouvelles. Elles analysent plusieurs bases de données originales, dont la principale contient pratiquement toutes les élections législatives intervenues dans le monde démocratique entre 1939 et 2010. Les résultats remettent en cause l’idée selon laquelle le déclin participatif est principalement dû à un désenchantement démocratique. Ils montrent qu’au moins six autres facteurs causaux y contribuent. Ils tiennent aux contextes de démocratisation, aux changements institutionnels et aux évolutions dans la composition des électorats. La magnitude exceptionnelle du phénomène étudié est, ainsi, le produit d’une multiplicité des causes. / This dissertation studies the puzzling decline of voter turnout in ten post­communist democracies that joined the European Union in 2004 and 2007. These countries experienced the most spectacular erosion of electoral participation in democratic regimes since World War Two. To solve this puzzle, my dissertation follows a systematic, theory­based, quantitative and comparative approach. It is structured by a newly­conceived master conceptual scheme for the study of aggregated voter turnout. This theoretical framework distinguishes between four types of turnout drivers based on the nature and temporality of their effects. The role of each type in the post­communist decline is theorised and considered in turn. The empirical sections employ several types of quantitative methods and intra­ but also inter­regional comparisons with established and other new democracies. They draw on several original datasets, the most important of which comprises the quasi­totality of democratic legislative elections held around the globe between 1939 and 2010. The results question the conventional wisdom that the post­communist turnout decline is mostly due to citizens’ dissatisfaction. Instead, they show that it is driven by no less than six other causes that relate to democratisation, institutional change and shifts in the composition of the electorate. It is the multiplicity of causal factors that explains the unparalleled startling magnitude by which voting rates decreased in the ten countries at hand. Besides solving the central puzzle, this dissertation yields a number of new middle­range theories and insights that pertain to electoral participation in both new and established democracies.

<p>Since the beginning of the 1990s important changes took place, such as the collapse of Communism and the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Consequently, the European Union (EU) has faced a new agenda in SouthEastern Europe. The EU policies towards this region were not very well coordinated in the first half of the 1990s. From the second half of the 1990s onwards, the EU has become more focused in its policies towards South Eastern Europe. Since 1999, the Stabilisation and Association Process is the new institutional framework of the EU towards this region. The main purpose of the Stabilisation and Association Process is to promote peace, prosperity and stability in this region. </p><p>This study aims to explore the EU relations with South Eastern Europe with a single case study of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process. The main research questions are: What are the main aims and dynamics of the EU’s relations with South Eastern Europe? What are the main problems concerning the implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process in the case of Bosnia? How do the norms, values and culture of Bosnia affect the implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process? </p><p>The focus of this study is on democratization as an open- ended process. Thus, it is relevant to apply democratization theories, with a focus on the Transition Approach as a theoretical framework. Democratization theories aim to explain how authoritarian regimes change into liberal democratic ones. The transition approach makes a clear distinction between democratic transition and democratic consolidation phases, and identifies the necessary conditions for the success of each phase. New Institutionalism is another theoretical orientation that will be applied to this study. New Institutionalism is used in this study to discuss the concepts of institutional change and democratic governance, and to further study both the formal and informal institutions in Bosnia and how they limit the implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process. </p><p>This study comes up with the conclusion that South Eastern Europe remains one of the priority regions for the EU. The dynamics of EU-South Eastern Europe relations is based on a number of different factors, such as political and economic considerations, concerns about peace, prosperity, and stability at the doorstep of the EU. The implementation of EU policies in this region is related to the debate on the future of the EU as well. The conclusions about Bosnia and Herzegovina point out that the country has moved forward a considerable amount after the 1992-95 Bosnian War. Democracy is beginning to emerge in the country. However, the implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process is constrained by the complex formal institutional structure as laid out in the Dayton Peace Agreement. Moreover, the informal institutions in Bosnia limit the implementation. For instance, the path-dependent authoritarian legacy of former Yugoslavia, exclusive ethnic nationalism, and distrust among the major ethnic groups in Bosnia are obstacles in front of the effective implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process. The level of international community involvement in the country is still very intensive. Bosnia has not become a self-sustainable democratic state yet. Strengthening the civil society in Bosnia and Herzegovina and promoting an inclusive civic identity that will lead to the enhancement of democratic values in the country can be recommended as solutions for the current problems of the country.</p>

Die Dissertation befasst sich mit den Reformprozessen, die sich vom Zeitpunkt des System-umbruchs 1989/90 bis zum EU-Beitritt 2004 in den Ministerialverwaltungen Estlands und Polens vollzogen haben. Die Veränderungen, die während dieser Zeit stattfanden, standen im Spannungsfeld zweier Prozesse: des von innenpolitischen Erfordernissen geprägten Transformationsprozesses und des Europäisierungsprozesses, in dem die EU als einflussreicher externer Akteur hinzutrat. Konzeptionell greift die Untersuchung auf die Diskussionen aus der institutionellen Transformationsforschung und die Debatten um die Europäisierung von Regierungs- und Verwaltungssystemen zurück. Die Arbeit konzentriert sich auf die Veränderungen auf der zentralstaatlichen Ebene und betrachtet diese Veränderungen in ihrer horizontalen und sektoralen Dimension. Die horizontale Dimension umfasst Rahmenbedingungen des Verwaltungssystems insgesamt, dies sind zentrale Strukturen des Regierungsapparates, die regierungsinternen Koordinationsmechanismen und die Etablierung des öffentlichen Dienstes. In der sektoralen Dimension wird die Verwaltung im Politikfeld Landwirtschaft betrachtet. In beiden Ländern gab es einen gemeinsamen Ausgangspunkt der Entwicklungen, das sozialistische Verwaltungssystem, und einen ähnlichen Zielpunkt der Verwaltungsreformen in den 1990er Jahren: eine wie auch immer definierte „moderne Verwaltung“. Auch die Rahmenbedingungen des EU-Integrationsprozesses in Mittelosteuropa lassen eher Konvergenzen erwarten. Doch spielen nationale politische Konstellationen eine entscheidende Rolle für die Entwicklungen, so dass man bilanzierend sagen kann: Estland und Polen haben mit Beginn der Transformation unterschiedliche nationale Entwicklungspfade eingeschlagen und ihre Verwaltungssysteme unterscheiden sich mittlerweile stärker voneinander als zur Zeit des Sozialismus. / The dissertation is concerned with transformation of ministerial administrations in Estonia and Poland between 1989/90 and EU accession in 2004. Two processes, the transformation process largely determined by domestic politics and the Europeanisation process with the EU entering the arena as a powerful external actor, influenced changes during this period. The theoretical background of the study refers to institutionalist approaches in transformation research and debates on Europeanisation of governmental and administrative systems. The study focuses on developments on central state level, which are analysed in a horizontal and a sectoral dimension. The horizontal dimension covers the framework of the administra-tive system, as there are structures of central state government, coordination mechanisms within government and the establishment of a civil service. In the sectoral dimension administrative structures in agricultural administration are examined. Both countries share a common point of origin, the socialist administrative system and a simi-lar point of arrival, a “modern” administration, however the latter may be defined. The conditions of the EU integration process also lead to the assumption of convergent developments. But in national political constellations have a decisive impact on developments. As a résumé it can be stated that Estonia and Poland entered different national paths of development from the outset of transformation and administrative systems by now differ in a larger degree than in socialist times.

In Zeiten von PISA-Vergleichsstudien sind die sozialen Probleme Jugendlicher im Zusammenhang mit der Globalisierung, insbesondere in Osteuropa, etwas aus dem Blick geraten. Rund 20 Jahre nach dem Systemumbruch in Mittel- und Osteuropa stellt sich jedoch die Frage, was Jugendliche in Polen, Russland und Deutschland vereint bzw. noch trennt. Dieser zentralen Frage geht der vorliegende Band – anhand eines Kulturvergleichs – in drei Länderbeiträgen nach und untersucht Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede zwischen den Jugendlichen hinsichtlich deren Einstellungen, Lebens- und Wertvorstellungen u. ä. Angesichts „unsicherer Zeiten“ ist davon auszugehen, dass die sozialen Probleme Jugendlicher auch künftig nicht geringer werden. Deshalb wird die Beobachtung, Analyse und Begleitung der Jugendentwicklung in Osteuropa eine wichtige Aufgabe bleiben – sowohl für Sozial- und Bildungsforscher als auch für Lehrer, Erzieher und Sozialarbeiter. / In times of PISA-comparison studies the social problems of young people in the context of globalization, particularly in Eastern Europe, are out of sight. 20 years after the system change in Central and Eastern Europe raises the question of what unites or even separates young people in Poland, Russia and Germany (20 years after the system change in Central and Eastern Europe the question of what unites or still separates young people in Poland, Russia and Germany raises). This question is central to the present volume - in three countries to contributions and examines the similarities and differences between young people regarding their attitudes, life and values, etc. - on the basis of a cultural comparison (The present volume follows this question by means of three country contributions – on the basis of a cultural comparison – to examine similarities and differences between young people regarding their attitudes, outlooks on life and values). In view of "uncertain times" it is assumed that the social problems of young people will not decrease. Therefore, the observation, analysis and monitoring of youth development in Eastern Europe will remain an important task - for both social and educational researchers and for teachers, educators and social workers.

Since the beginning of the 1990s important changes took place, such as the collapse of Communism and the dissolution of Yugoslavia. Consequently, the European Union (EU) has faced a new agenda in SouthEastern Europe. The EU policies towards this region were not very well coordinated in the first half of the 1990s. From the second half of the 1990s onwards, the EU has become more focused in its policies towards South Eastern Europe. Since 1999, the Stabilisation and Association Process is the new institutional framework of the EU towards this region. The main purpose of the Stabilisation and Association Process is to promote peace, prosperity and stability in this region. This study aims to explore the EU relations with South Eastern Europe with a single case study of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process. The main research questions are: What are the main aims and dynamics of the EU’s relations with South Eastern Europe? What are the main problems concerning the implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process in the case of Bosnia? How do the norms, values and culture of Bosnia affect the implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process? The focus of this study is on democratization as an open- ended process. Thus, it is relevant to apply democratization theories, with a focus on the Transition Approach as a theoretical framework. Democratization theories aim to explain how authoritarian regimes change into liberal democratic ones. The transition approach makes a clear distinction between democratic transition and democratic consolidation phases, and identifies the necessary conditions for the success of each phase. New Institutionalism is another theoretical orientation that will be applied to this study. New Institutionalism is used in this study to discuss the concepts of institutional change and democratic governance, and to further study both the formal and informal institutions in Bosnia and how they limit the implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process. This study comes up with the conclusion that South Eastern Europe remains one of the priority regions for the EU. The dynamics of EU-South Eastern Europe relations is based on a number of different factors, such as political and economic considerations, concerns about peace, prosperity, and stability at the doorstep of the EU. The implementation of EU policies in this region is related to the debate on the future of the EU as well. The conclusions about Bosnia and Herzegovina point out that the country has moved forward a considerable amount after the 1992-95 Bosnian War. Democracy is beginning to emerge in the country. However, the implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process is constrained by the complex formal institutional structure as laid out in the Dayton Peace Agreement. Moreover, the informal institutions in Bosnia limit the implementation. For instance, the path-dependent authoritarian legacy of former Yugoslavia, exclusive ethnic nationalism, and distrust among the major ethnic groups in Bosnia are obstacles in front of the effective implementation of the Stabilisation and Association Process. The level of international community involvement in the country is still very intensive. Bosnia has not become a self-sustainable democratic state yet. Strengthening the civil society in Bosnia and Herzegovina and promoting an inclusive civic identity that will lead to the enhancement of democratic values in the country can be recommended as solutions for the current problems of the country.

1989年中東歐政局發生重大變化，波蘭、匈牙利與捷克斯洛伐克共黨在社會團體與民運人士大規模抗議下交出政權，結束此區域長久以來的共黨統治。1991年斯洛維尼亞正式脫離南斯拉夫，波海三國亦獲獨立，中東歐新興國家開始民主轉型。本文首先探討促成1989年中東歐民主革命的外部因素，如較和緩的國際情勢、蘇共自由化政策、美國及國際組織援助等，接著以捷克為個案，分析外部因素對絲絨革命及民主化之作用。 赫爾辛基最後議定書等關於民主與人權的文件，鼓舞了七七憲章之草擬；波蘭與匈牙利的政局變化，對捷克斯洛伐克產生示範作用，異議人士、環保團體或宗教力量跨國串連，輔以西方媒體作用，是絲絨革命動員的契機。與1968年受華約軍隊鎮壓的布拉格之春相比，絲絨革命得以成功，蘇共總書記Mikhail Gorbachev (Михаил Горбачёв)放棄干涉中東歐國家內政是重要關鍵，強硬的捷共政府因而失去壓制國內民主訴求的正當性。 此後捷克「回歸歐洲」外交走向，使歐安組織、歐洲理事會與美國運用民主、人權規範及各項援助，深化其轉型程度。北約和歐盟以會籍作為條件設定，直接或間接散播民主規範，並透過捷克當地政治菁英及政黨，歐盟外部治理成功使人民對歐洲化及歐盟產生認同。2003年入盟公投通過後，歐盟外部治理有了民意基礎，影響力更為強化，主導捷克民主發展。 / In 1989 the unexpected enormous democratic revolutions in Central and Eastern European countries led to the crash of the communist governments in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Two years later, officially departing from Yugoslavia, Slovenia started its own democratic transition, and the Baltic states also attained independence from the Soviet Union. First of all, we would like to discuss the external factors triggering the democratic revolutions in this area in 1989, such as the less tense international circumstances, the liberal reforms of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the assistance from the US and the relative international organizations. Then the discussion goes further to the case of the Czech Republic to make it clear how external factors affected the Velvet Revolution and how democratic values were promoted in the Czech Republic. The Helsinki Final Act, announced for democracy and the human rights in 1975, inspired the publication of Charter 77. The political change in Poland and Hungary turned into demonstration effect on Czech politics. Besides, the transnational connection of dissidents or the religion groups, and the western media both facilitated the mobilization for a democratic regime. Compared to the Prague Spring of 1968, crushed by the invading Soviet troops, the success of the Velvet Revolution was largely contributed by Mikhail Gorbachev’s decision not to interfere in the internal affairs in this area. Thus, the Czech communist government lost its legitimacy to suppress democratic campaigns. With the slogan “Return to Europe,” Czech Republic had made it possible for international activists including OSCE, COE and the US to impose their influences on Czech’s transition to democracy. In the accession process to the EU/ NATO, western activists spread democracy norms into the Czech Republic directly or indirectly by conditionality. Through local political elites and political parties, the EU successfully built Czech people’s identity toward EU by its external governance. Meanwhile, the positive result of Czech’s EU entry referendum in 2003 even strengthened EU’s influence as a leading external role in Czech’s democratization after the Velvet Revolution.

Language competence is decisively important in international business and could increase efficacy, efficiency, sales and profits. Language is an underresearched area in business studies though language constitutes management and the managers building structures, processes, cultures and personalities being the most vital working tool to get things done and make them understandable. Since 1970 Swedish companies lose market shares globally and in Europe. In an era requiring better foreign language skills there is a declining trend among young Swedish business people and students in other languages than English. The aim of this study is to investigate and analyse the role of language in intercultural business communication between Swedish expatriates and locals in Serbia, The Czech Republic, Ukraine, Romania and Bulgaria and indirectly also Russia and Poland. To understand the business culture in these countries the author has learned the local language in these seven countries taking 3687 private language lessons. This improves the researcher’s understanding of the culture and its people giving directness and depth in communication, independence and receptivity. This ethnographically inspired hermeneutic study holds semi-structured interviews with expatriates. Better language skills among expatriates – particularly in the local language - could make them more self-dependent and win contracts and it strengthens closeness to customers, relationship and trust, strategic view and ability and also operational effectiveness and efficiency enabling their companies to gain market shares. Using Weber’s ideal types the cultural significance structures emerge featuring the cultures in these countries showing that expatriates have to strengthen the ability of the locals in the areas of trust, responsibility and initiative, independent thinking, holistic view, win-win thinking and reduce fear while the expatriates’ own abilities in these areas are strengthened if they speak the local language. Language strategies permitting the expatriate to be more communicatively and linguistically self-dependent are having a common company language, using multilingualism or having the expatriate speak or learn to speak the local language where the advantages, disadvantages and characteristics of these and other aspects of the role of language are given in ideal types.