Ce travail propose d’étudier la mobilisation du parler populaire lors de la couverture médiatique du match Égypte-Algérie par la presse généraliste et la presse spécialisée algérienne. Nos premières observations sur le traitement de l’évènement footballistique nous conduisent à supposer que le discours des journaux d’information générale n’est pas différent de celui des quotidiens de sport. La recherche propose, ainsi, de saisir les stratégies qui encadrent l’usage du parler populaire. Il s’agit d’analyser l’émergence d’une pratique info-communicationnelle qui peut s’inscrire dans une stratégie de pénétration du marché, à la recherche d’un lectorat élargi.L’analyse des jeux d’acteurs médiatiques, dans un contexte marqué par une crise mondiale de la presse écrite, envisage permet de montrer comment ces derniers ont recours au parler populaire, comme dispositif signifiant de captation et argument de vente. Pour appréhender cet enjeu, nous avons privilégié une approche qui ne néglige pas l’étude des identités éditoriales de chaque titre de presse. Nous proposons, de ce fait, de déconstruire les publications de quatre journaux de « référence », en défendant une méthodologie axée sur des aspects théoriques, alimentée par une analyse du discours, combinée à une étude quantifiée de l’évènement et appuyée sur les visions et discours d’autolégitimation sociale des professionnels algériens de l’information médiatique.Mots clés : Évènement médiatique, dispositif, cadre, co-construction, parler populaire, stratégie, tactique, identité éditoriale et loi de proximité. / This work suggests to study the mobilization of popular speech during the media coverage of Egypt-Algeria match by the French-written generalist press and the Algerian specialized press. Our first observations on the treatment of the football event, lead us to suppose that the discourse of the newspapers of general information is not different from the dailies of sport. Thus, the research suggests grasping the strategies which frame the use of popular speech. It consists of analyzing the emergence of a communicational-info practice that can be part of a market penetration strategy seeking for an enlarged readership.The analysis of media acting skills, in press global crisis context foresees to show how they make use of popular speech, as a significant capitation pattern and a selling argument. To apprehend this issue, it seems necessary to situate this work in an approach that does not neglect the study of editorial identities of each press title.Therefore, we suggest to deconstruct the publications of four "reference" newspapers by defending a methodology based on theoretical aspects. That methodology is supplied by discourse analysis combined with quantified study of the event and supported by the visions of Algerian professionals’ media information.Key words: Media event, device, framework, co-construction, popular speech strategy, tactics, editorial identity and proximity law

<p><strong><strong>The aim of this essay is to analyze how media constructs strategic positional statements in debates of great immediate interest in order to stress ideological standpoints. Two questions are derived on the basis of this aim.</strong></strong></p><p><strong>- How is Russia positioned in Svenska Dagbladet's and Dagens Nyheter's editorials in the debate on the Swedish defence during 09-01-13 - 09-01-31?</strong></p><p><strong>- Are there differences in the positional statements between the newspapers?</strong></p><p><strong>In the study a Critical Discourse Analytical (CDA) approach is applied, and more specifically that of Teun A. van Dijk. Both the theoretical basis and the methodological tools are based on van Dijks CDA. As the theoretical basis regards focus lies on van Dijks rather specific concept of ideology. The methodological tools applied in the study are lexicalization, implications and analysis of how actors are described as agent or patient in the propositional structure. Besides these micro oriented tools an analysis of the thematic structure is also applied. The analysis is based on a schema that is composed with regard to the aim, the theoretical basis and the methodological tools. In the study a total of eight editorials are analyzed; six from Svenska Dagbladet and two from Dagens Nyheter.</strong></p><p><strong>The result points out to a difference between the two newspapers positioning of Russia. Svenska Dagbladet polarizes Russia and this positional statement can be understood as both nationalistic discourse and, partly, as Russophobia. Dagens Nyheter doesn’t position Russia as a potential threat and Russia doesn’t play a significant role in Dagens Nyheter’s discourse. Dagens Nyheter is mainly focusing on the debate itself. Svenska Dagbladet’s opinion making might possibly be more effective, but at the expense of reproducing a negative construction of Russia.</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p>

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Climate Change in the Daily Press</p><p>An Analysis of the Representation Swedish Daily Papers Convey Through Their Editorials About the Climate Change</p><p>The purpose of this essay is partly to present how swedish daily papers describe the climate change through their editorials and partly to examine if their politcal affiliation effect their point of view about the climate change. The search incluedes editorials from 6 daily papers (Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen, Göteborgstidningen, Nerikes Allehanda and Svenska Dagbladet) from the year 1997 to the year 2003. Three discourses and the order between them, found by a former analysis (Adger and others, 2001) of the international politics of climate change, are used as types of ideal in a form of an analysis of idea.</p><p>The analysis reveals that the swedish daily papers don’t give the problem any major attention. Only a total of 65 editorials about the climate change could be found even though the papers produces several thousands during the period. Most attention occurs at the years 2000 and 2001, both are years of conflicts and demands on taking up a stand in important questions. Further the analysis shows that the representation of climate change in the editorials is being in accordance with the three discourses, and it also reproduce the order between them. The majority of the daily papers, 3 papers, dominates by the manegerial discourse, the challenger, the profligacy discourse, dominate 2 papers and the denial discourse dominate only 1 paper.</p><p>When it comes to the political aspect the konservative paper is, as presumed, the one and only that dominates by the denial discourse and the social democratic paper dominates by the profligacy discourse, also as presumed. However, the liberal papers do not confirm the presumption of them all being dominated by the manegerial discourse. Three of them are, but one is dominated by the profligacy discourse. The reason is presumably the difference between traditional liberalism and neoliberalism.</p><p>Keyword: climate change, discourse, daily press, editorial, Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen, Göteborgstidningen, Nerikes Allehanda, Svenska Dagbladet, the manegerial discourse, the profligacy discourse, the denial discourse.</p>

The Glossa ordinaria on the Bible stands as one of the prime achievements of the period in western intellectual history known as the Renaissance of the twelfth century. In spite of the great number of still extant manuscripts very little is known about the circumstances around its composition. This state of affairs is partly explained by the lack of modern and critical editions of the books of the Glossa ordinaria. The present work is the first critical edition of the Glossa ordinaria on the Book of Lamentations, and consists of the forewords, or prothemata, and the first book (of five) of this text, which was compiled early in the twelfth century by the theologian and Ciceronian rhetorician Gilbert the Universal (†1134), schoolmaster at Auxerre and subsequently Bishop of London. The introduction includes a background sketch of the environment in which the Glossa ordinaria was conceived – the school of Laon – with a short biography of Gilbert the Universal, as well as a study of the sources to this particular part of the Gloss, chief among them the ninth-century commentary of Paschasius Radbertus. It is shown that Gilbert’s major improvement to his source, apart from drastically rewriting it, consists of the introduction of Ciceronian rhetorical loci to the verses of Lamentations. The introduction furthermore provides the reader with an analysis of the manuscript tradition of the early twelfth century and a selective analysis of the later manuscript tradition (some 86 manuscripts have so far been traced). One of the conclusions reached is that the Gloss on Lamentations exists in two textual recensions, the one original, the other a later redaction made once the Gloss had become a success and preserved in nearly all the later manuscripts. The manuscripts of the first recension, which is the one edited in the present work, may be organised into a stemma codicum consisting of two major families originating in a single archetype. It is possible to reconstruct this archetype on the basis of the five oldest manuscripts. An English translation of the edited text is included, as well as a ‘semi-critical’ edition of the text of the second recension. An important part of the present work consists of an effort to combine the sophisticated mise-en-page of the glossed manuscripts with the standards of presentation to be expected of a modern critical edition.

The aim of this essay is to analyze how media constructs strategic positional statements in debates of great immediate interest in order to stress ideological standpoints. Two questions are derived on the basis of this aim. - How is Russia positioned in Svenska Dagbladet's and Dagens Nyheter's editorials in the debate on the Swedish defence during 09-01-13 - 09-01-31? - Are there differences in the positional statements between the newspapers? In the study a Critical Discourse Analytical (CDA) approach is applied, and more specifically that of Teun A. van Dijk. Both the theoretical basis and the methodological tools are based on van Dijks CDA. As the theoretical basis regards focus lies on van Dijks rather specific concept of ideology. The methodological tools applied in the study are lexicalization, implications and analysis of how actors are described as agent or patient in the propositional structure. Besides these micro oriented tools an analysis of the thematic structure is also applied. The analysis is based on a schema that is composed with regard to the aim, the theoretical basis and the methodological tools. In the study a total of eight editorials are analyzed; six from Svenska Dagbladet and two from Dagens Nyheter. The result points out to a difference between the two newspapers positioning of Russia. Svenska Dagbladet polarizes Russia and this positional statement can be understood as both nationalistic discourse and, partly, as Russophobia. Dagens Nyheter doesn’t position Russia as a potential threat and Russia doesn’t play a significant role in Dagens Nyheter’s discourse. Dagens Nyheter is mainly focusing on the debate itself. Svenska Dagbladet’s opinion making might possibly be more effective, but at the expense of reproducing a negative construction of Russia.

Dans ce mémoire, nous proposons l’étude des représentations sociales du politique dans la presse quotidienne. Notre objet d’étude est le sens de la nation au Québec dans une période historique où la notion idéologique de nation s’avère un cadre de référence en profonde mutation dans de nombreuses sociétés. Plus particulièrement, nous voulons nous situer au centre des tensions à propos de la représentation sociale nationale en prenant comme observatoire un travail idéologique fédéraliste par des Québécois, qui à la fois se posent comme promoteurs de la nation, et visent une intégration dans un autre espace national et juridique : le Canada. Les résultats de cette étude qualitative sont issus d’une analyse sémantique du discours éditorial du journal La Presse. Nous avons ainsi examiné les différentes catégories de connaissance mobilisées lors de l’évocation de l’espace national, ainsi que la façon dont elles sont organisées au sein du discours lors des deux périodes référendaires, soit en 1980 et 1995. C’est donc dans le cadre d’une sociologie de la connaissance journalistique que nous menons cette étude. Le discours social, à partir de l’étude des théories des représentations sociales et de la sociologie des contenus médiatiques, ne peut se considérer qu’à travers l’ensemble des relations sociales dont il est le produit. Nous nous attachons ici à définir d’une part les spécificités du discours éditorial, et d’autre part les différentes catégories de connaissances utilisées dans notre corpus qui font sens. On perçoit alors, grâce à une description diachronique, l’évolution des représentations sociales ayant a trait à l’espace national québécois entre les deux périodes étudiées. Après avoir défini ce dont on parle lorsqu’il est question de l’espace national, nous nous emploierons à analyser la façon dont ce discours est organisé. Ainsi, nous mettons en avant d’une part, les différentes formes discursives, rhétoriques et argumentatives, mises en place dans le but de persuader et de justifier l’action (le rejet des deux référendums, et l’adhésion aux promesses de renouvellement du fédéralisme), et d’autre part la logique discursive mobilisée consistant à placer la nation comme un objet politique rationnel ou non. En effet, le discours éditorial nous permet de mettre au jour une organisation cognitive de la connaissance, qui à quelques nuances près, est structurée de façon manichéenne entre le rationnel (l’éditorialiste, le fédéralisme, l’économique, l’universalisme, la raison de sens commun) et l’irrationnel (le souverainisme, ses dirigeants n’étant que des rêveurs et des passionnés), se plaçant dès lors dans un rapport de communication politique, plus proche de la propagande que de l’exemplarité réflexive que pose le discours éditorial. / In this paper we will look at socio-political roles in the daily media. The objective of this study is to understand the meaning of national space in Quebec during a historical period of transformation that was taking place in numerous societies. More specifically, we aim to examine the conflict at the heart of the nation’s social role, from the perspective of an ideological federalist work by the Quebecois, who see themselves as promoters of their nation while simultaneously integrated in Canada’s national jurisdiction. The results of this qualitative study come from a semantic analysis of editorial articles from the newspaper La Presse. We have analyzed the different categories of information made available while the national space movement was taking place, as well as how they were organized around views during two referendums in 1980 and 1995. This study is therefore created in a context of socio-journalistic information. The social view points, derived from the study of social roles and sociology in the media, can only be considered in the context of the network of social relationships of which they are a product. Here we are trying to define the meaning of the specifications in editorial views, as well as the various areas of knowledge used in this text. Thanks to a diachronic description we can look at the evolution of social roles within Quebec’s national space between the two periods of time studied. Once we’ve defined our subject concerning national space, we will then analyze the way in which the views are structured. Through this process of identifying the different types of view; rhetorical and argumentative, created to persuade and justify the action (the rejection of the two referendums, and the adhesion to promises of renewed federalism), and the logic of the views used to show the nation as a rational political focus or not. Definitively, the editorial views help us to shed light on the cognitive organization of knowledge, which is almost mechanically structured between the rational (editorialism, federalism, economics, universalism, accepted social thinking) and the irrational (souverainism, having only dreamers and idealists as leaders), situated, since then, in a political debate more resembling propaganda than an admirable initiative proposed by editorial views.

Both in the United States and abroad, newspapers tend to portray people with mental illness negatively, making them vulnerable to social rejection, discrimination, and forced treatment. This portrayal also makes them hesitant to seek treatment for fear of being stigmatized. To help determine how reporting on mental illness can be improved, I interviewed in this study 11 U.S.-based print journalists who had won awards for stories on mental illness about how they covered their stories. The interviews, which were semi-structured, were conducted between October 2010 and February 2011 and were analyzed using a grounded-theory approach. Eight themes were identified in the interview transcripts: determining story idea, evaluating newsworthiness, identifying and obtaining information from interview sources, identifying and obtaining information from non-interview sources, ensuring accuracy, building rapport with sources, writing the story, and factors facilitating reporting. Overall, respondents prepared their stories in accordance with journalistic conventions. What helped them produce quality stories was a mixture of the following organizational and personal factors: editorial support, considerable journalism experience, personal exposure to mental illness, and empathy. Also noteworthy were respondents' opinions on suggestions in reporting guides about imitation or copy-cat suicides, sensitive language, and positive mental illness news. Whereas some agreed that reporting suicide details could lead to imitation suicides, others disagreed, explaining, for example, that the details were important to the story. Similarly, respondents expressed diverse views about the importance of using sensitive language to describe individuals with mental illness. Finally, respondents indicated that instead of calling for positive stories on mental illness, media guidelines should encourage thoughtful and balanced reporting on various aspects of mental illness. In conclusion, the results suggest that it would be valuable to investigate in more detail how journalists' personal attitudes toward mental illness influence their reporting. Also, guidelines for mental-health reporting should be created with the collaboration of journalists and mental-health professionals. Further, there is a need to make journalists aware of the copy-cat suicide phenomenon. Finally, lessons gleaned from respondents' experiences in reporting their award-winning stories can be used to inform mental-health media guides.

The present paper focuses on the comparative analysis of the pronouns, pro-verbs, place and time adverbials in newspaper reportage and newspaper editorial. The aim of the paper is to examine and compare the frequency of the use of the pro-verbs, place and time adverbials in the texts of newspaper reportage and newspaper editorial. The method chosen for achieving the set aim is that of quantitative analysis combined with comparative studies. The results show that the general frequency of the occurrences as well as the relative frequency of the occurrences of the analysed linguistic means does not vary significantly; however, there are certain differences in the use of the particular linguistic means within the genres of newspaper reportage and editorial. Thus, the patterns of the use of certain linguistic means were influenced by genre.

La tesis aborda el análisis de los editoriales de <i>La Nación Argentina</i>, para examinar su posicionamiento frente al gobierno de B. Mitre, la conformación del Estado nación, al accionar de las montoneras, y la guerra de la Triple Alianza. También se indaga, a partir de considerarlo un actor político, su relación con los diarios más importantes de Buenos Aires. Para ello, se realiza un análisis de contenido de sus enunciados institucionales, empleando herramientas de la Lingüística, para advertir sus coincidencias y también sus desacuerdos con el Poder Ejecutivo. <i>La Nación Argentina</i> acompañó las políticas que priorizaron la consolidación del Estado nacional, así como la creación de la Corte Suprema, la instalación definitiva de la Capital Federal en Buenos Aires, la lucha contra las montoneras, y la participación en la Guerra del Paraguay, mediante la firma de la Triple Alianza. Todas estas significativas acciones de gobierno fueron apoyadas por el diario, porque respondían a los postulados del liberalismo. Sin embargo, su adhesión no le impidió criticar la inactividad, y luego los fallos, de la Corte Suprema, el interés del gobierno por intervenir en la economía, las acciones fraudulentas del Vicepresidente M. Paz, así como el asesinato de Peñaloza. A su vez, se señalan las particularidades de la superficie redaccional del diario, para señalar de qué manera el modelo del periodismo faccioso va dejando su lugar a un periodismo, que si no llega a ser moderno, comienza a mostrar características (comerciales, de diseño y de variedad de información) que permiten concebir el cambio que se suscitó a fines del siglo XIX. Para evaluar su comportamiento durante la guerra del Paraguay se emplean los conceptos de Propaganda y Alteridad Negativa, para escrutar las estrategias que <i>La Nación Argentina</i> aplicó en sus editoriales para informar al espacio público nacional las alternativas del conflicto.

Bibliography / Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.