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This study translated, cross-culturally adapted and validated an instrument's scores for use in public high schools in San Salvador, El Salvador. The original instrument consisted of items developed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to assess HIV/AIDS knowledge and five dimensions of attitudes (Abstinence, Peer-pressure, Condom use, Drug use, and Threat of HIV) in grades 7 to 12 in the United States. Items were translated into Spanish using the back-translation method. The instrument was cross-culturally adapted using guidelines proposed by Guillemin, Bombardier, and Beaton (1993). A cross-culturally equivalent version of the original instrument was obtained using three different Salvadorian review panels and two pretests with Salvadorian high school students. An expert panel of HIV Salvadorian professionals validated the content and established its cultural acceptability for public school use. A total of 483 students from 30 randomly selected public high schools in El Salvador participated in a series of validation studies. Confirmatory factor analysis of the translated instrument was used to evaluate the factorial validity of the five-factor attitudinal model. As part of the validation process, the translated Abstinence and Condom use subscales from the CDC were correlated with similar translated subscales from Basen-Engquist et al.'s (1999) published study as a measure of concurrent validity. Finally, internal consistency reliability (Cronbach's alpha) was determined with 483 students and test-retest reliability was obtained with a subsample of 39 students. Six major conclusions were: (1) The methodology used was successful in cross-culturally adapting the instrument. (2) HIV/AIDS content was rated as culturally acceptable and valid for use in public high schools of El Salvador. (3) The reliability of the scores from the knowledge section was moderate (test-retest reliability coefficient = .49 and coefficient alpha = .57). (4) Reliability (coefficient alpha) of the five attitudinal subscales was inconsistent: .55 (Peer-pressure), .58 (Abstinence), 0 (Condom use), .24 (Drugs), and .30 (Threat of HIV). (5) Confirmatory factor analysis provided support for a 4-factor attitudinal model (Peer-pressure, Abstinence, Drug use, and Threat of HIV). (6) Concurrent validity of the translated CDC Abstinence subscale was strong. The results provided support for the methodology to cross-culturally adapt an instrument. The psychometric properties from the knowledge section and the attitudinal component related to abstinence were acceptable but additional research is needed before the Spanish instrument can be used with confidence in El Salvador.

La escuela está destinado principalmente a la formación de adolescentes, jóvenes y adultos que buscan una inserción o reinserción en el mercado laboral, especialmente los que conforman las pequeñas y micro empresas (PYMES), así como empresarios, relacionadas con los temas de la fabricación de productos manufactureros, en los campos de la carpintería, textiles, confecciones, metal mecánico y cuero-calzado. Se ubicará en el distrito limeño de Villa El Salvador. Lavariable principal será la interacción social a través del manejo de los espacios comunes como generadores del diseño arquitectónico. / Tesis

Tex., Univ. of Texas, Reports Master of Arts--Austin, 1982. / Die Vorlage enth. insgesamt 2 Werke. Includes bibliographical references. Vita.

This thesis analyzes the infamous Mara Salvatruchas (MS-13) in Central America, an international gang that has become increasingly powerful and violent. I will examine the cycle of violence perpetuated by the urban structure in Central America, which is characterized by economic and social segregation and sometimes violent oppression, resulting in part from neoliberal economic policies. I will critically review a variety of current MS-13 interventions in El Salvador and elsewhere, and examine how policies have impacted the growth of this international threat. Successful examples of community-based gang interventions, specifically targeted to reach youth, will be examined to determine important components of effective, bottom-up gang interventions that may be applied in El Salvador. / text

This dissertation explores whether and how alternative media in El Salvador incorporated information communication technologies (ICTs) for social change, and whether incorporating said technologies changed citizen participation not only in the media process itself, but also in a broader discursive sphere as well as civic and political life. Within the context of a digitally divided region, this project employed ethnographic methods—including in-depth interviews, participant-observation, and a content analysis—to interrogate the perceived potential value of ICTs in alternative media for contesting power, contributing to social change, and opening spaces for citizen participation in technology and through technology. This research is merely a beginning stage in learning how digital communication tools influence alternative media practices, and what that means for participation, mobilization and empowerment. This study contributes to burgeoning literature focused on communication for social change and technologies by adding an international focus, and by furthering our understanding of under what circumstances alternative media can (or cannot) employ new technologies in liberating ways, especially in a region where use of and access to these technologies is far from universal. Ultimately this dissertation advances existing literature with two main contributions: extending our understanding of the digital divide to include inequalities of social media and whether it is used in liberating or frivolous ways, and including technology use—whether liberating or not¬—as a fundamental approach to the study of alternative media. / text

This paper examines how ex-combatants of El Salvador’s 1980-1992 civil war view post-war processes of reconciliation. I demonstrate that contrary to dominant understandings of ongoing political polarization in El Salvador, perpetuated by Salvadoran political parties, many former army and guerrilla combatants are coexisting in the same communities and working together in various ways. I show how the Salvadoran Peace Accords and the apparent political polarization has opened a space for the recreation of social networks and the creation of communities in post-war societies. I call this process “grassroots peacemaking,”emphasizing the everyday negotiations of remembering and creating new social relations in a nation torn apart by war and violence. / text

El presente estudio es un análisis de los casos Beatriz y Sonia que ejemplifican la problemática de la violación al derecho de la autonomía del propio cuerpo de la mujer cuando se aplica la absoluta penalización del aborto en El Salvador y se analizan los aspectos en los cuales dos leyes, que garantizan los derechos de la mujer, entran en discordancia con dicha penalización. Como fundamento teórico se exponen las nociones de la autonomía del cuerpo, los derechos de la mujer y se hace una breve discusión en torno al conflicto moral que existe entre el derecho a la vida del nasciturus y el derecho a la autonomía del cuerpo de la mujer. Se parte de la hipótesis de que la penalización del aborto es una violación de los derechos de la mujer y las preguntas principales de la investigación son ¿Cuáles son los derechos humanos de las mujeres que pueden ser violentados cuando se aplica dicha penalización? y ¿Cuáles son las contradicciones entre la penalización del aborto y la Ley de Igualdad, Equidad y Erradicación de la Discriminacióncontra las Mujeres y Ley Especial Integral para una Vida Libre de Violencia para las Mujeres? Para el análisis y la interpretación del material se hace uso del Método de Estudio de casos y el Análisis de Contenido Cualitativo. Se concluye, entre otras cosas, que la penalización del aborto es una norma que reproduce valores discriminativos y de dominación que subordinan a la mujer.

This thesis addresses the potential for third parties to apply or make use of International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law to protect civilians caught in the midst of civil war. A case study is presented of El Salvador, where conflict in the 1970s and 1980s took the lives of an estimated 75,000 people and caused immense human suffering. Of particular interest is how organizations under the aegis of the Salvadoran Catholic Church provided data on human rights violations, gathered with credible precision, to the international community. The Canadian public responded to the situation in El Salvador in a markedly different way than the Canadian government, whose pronouncements were at first ill-informed and uncritically pro-American. The question thus arises: do counter-consensus or public-pressure groups exert any influence over a state’s foreign policy and, if so, does this phenomenon contribute to conflict resolution? While there is disagreement over the actual success that public groups and interested parties have over government decision-making, this thesis demonstrates that, in fact, the counter-consensus in Canada did have a discernable impact on foreign policy during the Salvadoran conflict. These actions have potential contributions to make to conflict resolution and the search for a negotiated end to civil strife, which in the case of El Salvador was generated in the first place not by an alleged international communist conspiracy but by crippling geographies of inequality. / Thesis (Master, Geography) -- Queen's University, 2007-09-26 11:52:47.301

<p>The dissertation is an ethnographic study of the role of monitoring standards on democratic governance reform in El Salvador since the 1992 end of a 12-year civil war. The study looks at the development and implementation of monitoring and evaluation models for rule of law, citizen participation and accountability reforms, in order to understand the impact of standards on the local adaptation and global circulation of democratic reform programs. Through practices of standardization, law and technology together construct the expertise that democratic institutions increasingly require for political participation. The legacy of democratic reform in El Salvador is particularly important because the country served as a laboratory and poster-child for democratization models most recently applied to U.S. efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan.</p><p>In-depth qualitative study of the development and use of monitoring standards reveals a formalization of ways of producing and contesting knowledge deemed crucial for political communities - be they rural hamlets or national economic sectors. As with any institutional form, certain political possibilities are enabled while others are marginalized or constrained. However, beside the establishment of dominant frameworks for knowing about social realities and participating in decision-making governing those realities, monitoring standards provide means for the mobilization and advocacy of alternative perspectives and agendas. The dissertation presents a historical account of the institutionalization of monitoring standards that have become typical components of what international agencies promote as democratic governance. Ethnographic accounts of how these standards circulate and are used by governments, NGOs, citizens and social movements illustrate their ubiquity, flexibility and dynamism - from municipal finance and state decentralization, to human rights struggles over water privatization, mining, crime and pharmaceuticals. Research conducted before, during and after the 2009 election of the leftist FMLN party to the presidency captures shifts in the use of monitoring standards as social movement activists move into government.</p> / Dissertation