The St. Paul Redevelopment Project was unique and touted as the first-of-its-kind to feature cooperation from all three levels of government. Several government agencies helped St. Paul accomplish an “impossible dream,” spending an estimated thirty million dollars to rechannel the Clinch River in the 1970s and 1980s. The small town of 1,000 residentsrelocated 100 families from South St. Paul to carry out the project, much to the dismay of many of the residents. A primary factor in enforcing the power of eminent domain in the St. Paul Redevelopment Project was the idea of “progress,” a commonality of many redevelopment projects. The St. Paul Redevelopment Project serves as a small case study of government intervention in the Appalachian region and of resistance. St. Paul as a community and “place” has been shaped by elected officials and government agencies, but ‘place’ also belongs to individuals. The example of redevelopment in St. Paul, Virginia, and the use of eminent domain exposes a complex system of power relations at work in Appalachia, that at least in the case under study, suggests how the response of one family, the Couches, reflected both participation in the dominant system of commodification and a rejection of it.

In this article, the author analyses the tort not only from a private view, but also from a public function as part of the legalpolitical- economic structure of a State. Likewise, he analyses the significance of the liability rule and how this social-democratic way of organizing law and entitlements fixes the size of the liability;however, it is an inaccurate description of what occurs in the world, as in the case of eminent domain. Therefore, he claims a more significant economic role for the liability rule. / En el presente artículo, el autor analiza la responsabilidad extracontractual no solo desde una visión privada, sino también desde una función pública como parte de la estructura legal-política-económica de un Estado. Asimismo, analiza el significado de la regla de responsabilidad y de cómo esta manera social-demócrata de organizar el derecho y las titularidades fijan el tamaño de la responsabilidad; sin embargo, esta es una descripción inexacta de lo que ocurre en el mundo como en el caso de las expropiaciones. Por ello, afirma un papel económico más significativode la regla de responsabilidad.

Recent research identifies a number of factors associated with public support for or opposition to environmentally-contentious energy infrastructure projects. Much of that research documents the attitudes of populations surrounding projects where energy is produced, such as powerhouses, mines, or drilling operations. I use survey and interview data to argue that those factors do not adequately reflect the concerns of landowners distributed along the 303-mile path of a rural Appalachian natural gas project, which I identify as a site of energy transmission rather than production. I use social representation theory to elicit factors unrecognized in prior research. It provides a framework for the process by which resident rural landowners become aware of, interpret, evaluate, and then respond to the Mountain Valley Pipeline. Landowners express their sense of injustice when the pipeline developer, public policymakers, and permitting authorities are unaware of or indifferent to factors that are especially relevant to them as the pipeline is imposed on their rural environment. The study is based on a sequential mixed-methods approach. I conducted a secondary analysis of the Quality of Life in Rural Virginia and West Virginia Survey dataset (Bell et al. 2019), which consists of mail surveys completed by 783 residents living in 10 counties along the route of the Mountain Valley Pipeline. In 2021 and 2022 I conducted follow-up semi-structured interviews with 25 landowners in the blast zone, which is 1,115 feet on either side of this pipeline, who had completed the survey. The first aim was to test three factors that prior research suggested are associated with attitudes toward such projects. The first factor, economic self-interest, was statistically nonsignificant for these landowners. The interview data suggest that unlike sites of energy production, where jobs stimulate support, landowners saw few jobs available for local people. Any financial value from the sale of easements did not affect their support. The second factor, political ideology, was important in other studies, because conservative ideology is associated with pro-business attitudes. In contrast, even though 60% of the landowners in this study identified themselves as conservative, there was only a weak association between political ideology and support for the pipeline, due in part to the perception of inappropriate application of eminent domain law by the pipeline developer and the courts. Distance from the pipeline, the third factor, was moderately associated with attitude toward the project, with less support for pipeline construction among landowners in the blast zone. The second aim was to use social representation theory to reveal factors in addition to distance that influenced landowners' attitudes toward the project. Interviews revealed that landowners in the blast zone were as concerned with threats to cherished water supplies, for both domestic and agricultural uses, as they were with the danger of a pipeline explosion. The interviews also revealed participants' concern for the disruption of their attachment to and dependence on their properties. These factors were underrepresented in the planning and permitting for this project. The intuitive, common-sense structure for eliciting landowners' attitudes provided by social representation theory was effective at this microscale of inquiry, and may be useful for comparative studies that further distinguish between sites of energy production and sites of energy transmission. / Doctor of Philosophy / Recent research identifies a number of factors associated with public support for or opposition to environmentally-contentious energy infrastructure projects. Much of that research documents the attitudes of populations surrounding projects where energy is produced, such as powerhouses, mines, or drilling operations. I use survey and interview data to argue that those factors do not adequately reflect the concerns of landowners distributed along the 303-mile path of a rural Appalachian natural gas project, which I identify as a site of energy transmission rather than production. I use social representation theory to elicit factors unrecognized in prior research. It provides a framework for the process by which resident rural landowners become aware of, interpret, evaluate, and then respond to the Mountain Valley Pipeline. Landowners express their sense of injustice when the pipeline developer, public policymakers, and permitting authorities are unaware of or indifferent to factors that are especially relevant to them as the pipeline is imposed on their rural environment. The study is based on a sequential mixed-methods approach. I conducted a secondary analysis of the Quality of Life in Rural Virginia and West Virginia Survey dataset (Bell et al. 2019), which consists of mail surveys completed by 783 residents living in 10 counties along the route of the Mountain Valley Pipeline. In 2021 and 2022 I conducted follow-up semi-structured interviews with 25 landowners in the blast zone, which is 1,115 feet on either side of this pipeline, who had completed the survey. Survey data suggest that factors, including economic self-gain, political ideology, and proximity to the pipeline, differ from predictions reported in prior research. Interview data suggest that in this case study those differences are associated with landowner attitudes toward danger and disruption to their sense of place. These differences may be specifically applicable to rural populations exposed to sites of energy transmission rather than sites of energy production. A recognition of these differences has important implications for project developers, public policy planners, and permitting agencies.

The events of September 11, 2001, seemed to many to presage the end of the skyscraper as an urban form. Some 15 years later, the skyscraper is more prevalent than ever before, owing to its unique advantages over other building forms in an urban, environmental, and sociological context. Skyscrapers are rising ever higher, pushing the limits of architecture and engineering. In 2001 there were 23 buildings over 1,000 feet in height. As of this writing there are 173 buildings over 1,000 feet completed or under construction, with 300 more in various phases of proposal. Despite their enormous initial cost in both capital and energy, the skyscraper maximizes the use of constricted urban space and provides enormous opportunities for technological and sociological innovation which, despite more that 100 years of skyscraper construction, are only just beginning to be realized. This thesis will explore a number of as-yet unrealized possibilities for skyscraper development to prognosticate and articulate future typologies designed to address increasing problems of energy efficiency, population density and disaster preparedness. As the human population grows, and more people move to the cities, larger and larger buildings will be necessary to house them at densities sufficient to ensure energy efficiency and minimize sprawl. The skyscraper is uniquely suited to meet these demands. / Master of Architecture

LL. M.(With specialisation in Private Law))

Law is a means to an end. The state has always claimed it uses law as a tool to promote social order and progress (the Brazilian National Flag is an example). The use of law to force social change to facilitate capital accumulation for elites in society flies in the face of what the takings clause is supposed to stand for. This research examines the connection between economic development and public good. It focuses on takings because takings lie at the intersection between economics, politics, and social relations. Takings are justified by necessity and public good, but the claim isn’t genuine. Takings condone displacement and cause harm. State-authorized condemnation juxtaposes civic duty with social obligation, ownership with license and privilege. The thesis developed here is the state is pushing the law of takings toward the satisfaction of private interests. To that end the public use concept was expanded. Kelo v. City of New London (2005) holds economic development is a public use and in making that fallacious claim the case has ruptured takings law. Public use shouldn’t be about private gain. Property should be creative and is when it facilitates productivity, but it’s destructive if it erodes personal autonomy. The state claims it promotes social good when it reorders uses, but the claim is false. Instead the state achieves an air of legitimacy, offering a sound rationale for acts of displacement and uses law to support the claim it promotes public good. If an individual doesn’t want to part with her property she shouldn’t be forced to do so. Taking is use of state power to accomplish ends that can’t otherwise be achieved. Taking is a lawful means to displace to benefit private interests. The proof of this is in the pudding of the transformation of law between Berman v. Parker (1954) and Kelo v. City of New London (2005). Berman (1954) required blight. Kelo v. City of New London (2005) eliminated that requirement. This thesis explains how law and state are captured by private interests. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2015. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

LL. M.(With specialisation in Private Law))

Expropriation används för att med tvång ta mark i anspråk för att tillgodose allmänna behov. Bestämmelserna kring detta återfinns i expropriationslagen (SFS 1972:719) där det specificeras vem som får expropriera, hur det går till, vilka ersättningsmöjligheter som finns m.m. Lagen var i princip oförändrad sedan dess införande i början av 1970-talet och 2005 tillsattes på uppdrag av regeringen en grupp för att utvärdera reglerna. Syftet var att stärka äganderätten och resultatet blev huvudsakligen ändringar av tre bestämmelser, schablonpåslaget, toleransavdraget och presumtionsregeln.  Denna uppsats har som syfte att besvara frågan om varför det finns tvångsmöjligheter och hur detta går till. Vidare utvärderas också det aktualiserade ändringarna från 2010 och slutsatser dras kring deras påverkan på annan rätt, oklarheter och om de kan anses uppnå syftet med lagändringen. För att besvara dessa frågor baseras uppsatsen på existerande lagtext, förarbeten och annan juridisk text. Till hjälp används även relevant litteratur inom det markjuridiska området. Utöver detta så har även det svenska ersättningssystemet jämförts mot internationell rätt via ett par utvalda länder i Europa.  Slutsatser som kan dras är att lagändringarna huvudsakligen är positiva och tjänar det syfte som ursprungligen satts upp av de som är ansvariga för ändringarna. Dock finns vissa problem med lagstiftningen, såsom oklarheter i värdering och definitioner, inte helt kompletta följdändringar i andra lagar eller oförutsedda konsekvenser. Ändringarna i ersättningen av marknadsvärdet till ett högre värde än tidigare är den klart största förändringen och i jämförelse mot internationell rätt så har Sverige bland de mest generösa ersättningsreglerna. Vissa länder har börjat anpassa sin lagstiftning enligt samma principer som föranledde förändringar i den svenska lagstiftningen men har ännu inte nått lika långt. Detta kan vi troligtvis ses förändras inom den närmsta framtiden då individens rättigheter kommer i fokus samt att expropriation numera ofta används för andra ändamål än förr. / Expropriation (also known as compulsory purchase or eminent domain) is the method used for acquiring land by force to cater public needs. The regulations regarding this is in Swedish law is found in the Expropriation Act (SFS 1972:719) where it is specified who may use expropriation, how it works, how the compensation is decided, etc. The law has been mostly unaltered since its adaptation in the early 1970’s and in 2005 a group was assigned to investigate possible changes. This was to achieve the purpose of strengthening individual and ownership rights and resulted in three main changes. Firstly, the land compensation was raised from 100 % of the market value to 125 %, secondly a special tolerance deduction was removed, and thirdly the rule of presumption was also removed. This thesis aims to answer the question of why there are compulsory measures and how they work. It will also examine the changes to the Swedish expropriation act from 2010 to evaluate how it affected other parts of the justice system, what could be unclear and whether they achieved their own purpose. To answer this, existing legislation has been used, as well as its preparatory work and other legal documents. Furthermore, other relevant legal documents have been reviewed. A brief investigation into other international legal systems has also been conducted. In summary we can draw conclusions regarding these amendments and see that they are mainly positive and serves the purpose behind the changes. There are however certain problems with the legislation, such as difficulties with the valuation and definitions, certain follow-up changes to other legislation and some unforeseen consequences. The raised compensation for market value was the clearly biggest change and in comparison to international law, the compensation regulations in Sweden is among the most liberal. Some countries have begun altering their respective laws in accordance with the same principles used for the Swedish amendments but have yet to reach the levels that has been adapted here. This is probably something that will change further in the near future as individual rights are more in focus and because expropriation these days is used for different purposes than before.

Thesis (LLD (Public Law))—University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / Since the advent of constitutional democracy in 1994 South African courts have been faced with new interpretive imperatives.

我國早期發展之都市地區，隨時間經歷，無可避免地產生各種都市問題，因而有實施都市更新之必要。於現行法制下，除由政府主辦都市更新外，私人亦得自行實施都市更新，且一般認為政府應幫助私人進行都市更新，原因在於若無政府公權力介入，強迫相關權利人參與，將導致更新時程嚴重拖延，都市更新條例25條之1即明定得由實施者申請徵收少數不願參與都市更新者之土地或合法建築物。然而，政府公權力介入之程度與時機為何，亦應審慎考量。 由私人興辦都市更新事業，或許除了「私益」外，亦產生「公共利益」，惟此「公共利益」是否大至足以剝奪私人所有權之「私益」，則有待商榷。因而，政府有無權力為了辦理都市更新，以強制手段要求私人參與，甚至徵收不願參與更新者之財產，不無疑問。申言之，主要之問題在於都市更新是否具備足夠之公共利益，而具有剝奪私有財產之正當性；亦即運用徵收方式為辦理都市更新之私人實施者取得其無法以協議方式取得同意之土地，手段(徵收)是否適當，且目的(都市更新)有足以剝奪私人土地之正當性，有釐清及解決之必要。為探討此問題，本文由實施都市更新歷史悠久之美國加以取材，欲透過美國相關法制之研究，找出國內值得學習與借鏡之處。 本文第二章主要針對我國與美國關於都市更新及土地徵收法制之相關法制加以探討，並歸納我國與美國採徵收手段辦理都市更新時之相關規定。 研究發現我國與美國除更新、徵收程序之差異外，對於得以發動徵收之要件，我國係以「公共利益」稱之，美國則以「公共使用」加以規範，而判斷得否發動徵收之機構，於我國為內政部土地徵收審議委員會，美國則係由司法機關進行判斷。是故，第三章接著介紹美國採徵收手段之都市更新相關裁判概況與主要爭議問題點，並於第二至六節分別探討採徵收手段之都市更新相關判決之主要案例，最後於第七節將二至六節各判決案例中美國法院對於公共使用之判斷標準加以綜合分析。 第四章則對於我國以徵收方式實施都市更新之規範加以檢討，接著以第三章美國相關判決對公共利益之判斷基準為視點，探討我國之採徵收手段實施更新制度之適當性，以及得以徵收實施更新之情形為何。最後，第五章針對我國現行以徵收作為都市更新手段之規範提出改進方向，以提供都市更新條例及土地徵收條例修法之參考。