位於歐亞大陸中心的中亞國家，在蘇聯解體後重新回到世界政治舞台，因所處的敏感地理位置及擁有豐富能源優勢，地緣戰略的重要性格外突顯。中亞國家目前尚處於重大轉型期，油氣資源為其對外發展及穩定內部的有利憑藉，該區域各國莫不積極運用天賦條件，期在大國競逐及全球化衝擊中，有效獲取國家利益。 中國因經濟快速成長，進口石油的依賴程度不斷攀升，制約其經濟與綜合國力的發展，並對國家安全形成威脅。面臨石油安全困境，中國站在全球能源領域的制高點，積極拓展油源，緊鄰的中亞地區石油蘊藏豐富，成為中國強化能源合作關係，以維護來源穩定的首要選擇。 本文從「地緣戰略」的觀點，分析中國及中亞的地緣政治及石油安全形勢，並探討中國在該地區能源外交內涵、佈局與實踐，以及所面臨的機遇與挑戰等議題。綜觀之，中國對中亞的石油整體戰略佈局，係以外交為後盾，國營石油企業為主軸，上海合作組織為平台，雙邊及多邊型式並進，藉由地緣優勢建構中亞和諧地區，並透過籌建中國陸路油氣供應路徑，朝向來源多元化，以避免海上運油風險及分散石油供給集中之制約。另以中亞諸國為謀求現實的戰略利益，採行門戶開放及多邊平衡外交策略，使得美國、歐盟及日本等各主要大國力量進入。中國為維護油源穩定安全，積極踐行「走出去」與「多元化」之戰略，其與各大國在中亞的能源競逐仍將持續，同時影響區域及全球政經局勢。 / The importance of geostrategy is obvious for those Central Asian countries, backing the political stage of the world after dissolution of the Soviet Union, in the central mainland of Euro-Asia because of their sensitive geographical location with advantage of abundant energy. At present, those countries are under reforming period and aggressively try to use their innate conditions, especially the resources of gas or petroleum, for development abroad and stabilization domestically to get interests under the impacts of the great nations’ competition and globalization. On the other hand, China is facing on the economy and comprehensive national strength restriction and national security threaten by petroleum importation dependence and economic growth rapidity. Being face the trouble of petroleum security, China, standing on the commanding point of the global energy field, is aggressive to explore energy resources and try to strength energy cooperative relationships with the Central Asian area, neighbor to China and the best choice, having abundant petroleum to support her stable needs. This study is in the point of view, geostrategy, to analyze the trends of geopolitics and petroleum security between China and those Central Asian countries. The purposes including the energy diplomacy content, layout and practice of China in this area, and the opportunity and challenge are being discussed. To sum up, the overall strategic layouts of petroleum in the Central Asian area for China are using diplomacy as backing, public petroleum enterprise as main axis, Shanghai cooperation organization as platform, both and multi sides processings, Central Asian area harmonizing construction by advantage of geography, and multi-resources via building the terrestrial gas supply routes to avoid the restriction of the risk of petroleum shipping and to decentralize the collection of petroleum supply. Owing to the realistic strategic benefits for those Central Asian countries, by open door policy and multi-sides balance diplomatic strategy, some great nations are trying to get in, including the USA, EU and Japan, etc. For assurance of the stable and security of petroleum supply, China is aggressive to conduct the strategies, “Go out” and “Multiplication”, to continue the energy competition with those great nations, and to influence the area and global economic and political situation.

能源是攸關人類生存的一大課題，它提供熱能、照明和運輸，而且是經濟發展不可或缺的帶動因素。國家的經濟成長需仰賴充足可靠且價格合理的能源供應。對外政策重大議題尤其需要依賴安全可靠且價格合理的能源供應，像是民主、貿易、替代能源發展、消弭貧窮和環保等等相關發展支援計劃。 東北亞是具有高度經濟與政治價值的重要區域。在此區域內約有17億人口以及世界第二、第三大經濟體，不論在政治、經濟和文化上皆有莫大影響力。 俄罗斯是世界上碳酸氫化合物與鈾的主要出口國，也擁有名列前茅的核能發電廠運作技術。中國和日本不論在東北亞與世界都佔有重要地位，且高度依賴能源進口。而俄罗斯鄰近中國和日本，可以快速有效提供石油和天然氣等能源。故而俄罗斯與中日兩國在能源供應合作上顯然具有極高的發展潛力。 掌握能源供應的俄罗斯可以鞏固其東北亞的地位，進而成為該區域的超級強權。 研究目標在於解讀俄罗斯對中日兩國的能源關係以及對東北亞情勢的影響。筆者將採用地緣政治學中的「策略性操縱」理論和「區域安全複合體」的概念作為主要假設，分析俄罗斯與中日兩國能源關係的內容與後續走向，以及對區域情勢所造成的影響。 研究架構如下：第一章是本研究的背景、目標及方法；第二章詳細分析俄罗斯的石油、天然氣與核能燃料蘊藏量、該國的能源策略及其理論上的影響範圍；第三章的焦點為中國的能源需求、能源政策和外交，俄罗斯與中國能源供應合作的內容、發展與問題以及理論方面的評估；第四章探討日本的能源需求、能源政策和外交，俄罗斯與日本能源供應合作的內容、發展與問題以及理論方面的評估；第五章就俄罗斯對中國及對日本的能源關係進行比較分析，以ESPO的建設為例，探討其結果及影響；第六章則是回應研究目標、評估俄罗斯與中日兩國的能源關係，並且對俄罗斯在東北亞的能源政策提出建議。 / Energy is one of the most important factors for the survival of humanity. It provides the fuel of the economy, heat, light and mobility. The country’s economic growth depends on adequate, reliable and affordable supplies of energy. Key foreign policy objectives, including support for democracy, trade, sustainable economic development, poverty reduction and environmental protection rely on the provision of safe, reliable and affordable energy supplies. North East Asia is an important region in terms of its economic and political value. With a population of 1,7 billion people, and containing the world's second and third largest economies, it is a region of enormous political, economic and cultural significance. Russia, a major exporter of hydro carbonates and uranium, is one of the world’s leaders of nuclear plant operating technology. China and Japan are the main actors in NEA and highly depend on the import of energy resources. Moreover, Russia’s close proximity to China and Japan enables a fast and a reliably efficient supply of oil and gas. These attributes highlight and emphasize the excellent opportunities for energy cooperation between these countries. Russia’s strength in this field allows them to fortify their position in NEA as it aspires to become a regional super power. The goal of this research is to study Russian energy relations with China and Japan and how it affects the positions of the country in the region. The author would adopt the main assumptions of the Geopolitics, theory of “Strategic manipulation” and the concept of “Regional Security Complex” to analyze the content and consequences of Russian energy relations with China and Japan and its impact on the situation in the region. The framework of the research is illustrated as follows: chapter one gives the background, goals and methodology of the research; chapter two provides the detailed analysis of Russian oil, natural gas, nuclear power reserves, the country’s energy strategy and its theoretical implications; chapter three focuses on energy demand, energy diplomacy and strategy of China, the content, development, problems of Russo-Chinese energy cooperation and its theoretical evaluation; chapter four focuses on energy demand, energy diplomacy and strategy of Japan, the content, development, problems of Russo-Japanese energy cooperation and its theoretical evaluation; chapter five is devoted to the comparative study of Russian energy relations with China and Japan at the example of ESPO constructing, its results and implications; and chapter six concludes with responses to research goals, evaluation of energy relations between Russia, China and Japan and recommendations for Russian energy policy in North East Asia.

The thesis focuses on theoretical and empirical analysis of oil and natural gas flows in Eurasia and maps Ukraine's transit position in the regional oil and gas supply chain. The aim of the thesis is to objectively evaluate possibilities of Eurasian energy integration by enlargement of the European energy market further to the East and to prospect Ukraine's involvement into a new geopolitical energy alliance, driven by EU. This dissertation builds up on economical, geographical, historical and political premises of markets integration as well as system approach of energy alliances development. It argues that (i) energy integration on contrary to traditional economic stream can be explained by system approach and geopolitical stream of energy expansionism; (ii) EU infrustructural oil and gas projects imply deeper integration of EU member-states with involed non-members and (iii) Ukraine's oil and gas transit status within Eurasian region facilitates its growing involvement into EU energy intiatives guided by the European rules. The thesis is organized into three chapters. The first one is predominately theoretical and seeks to summarize current theoretical approaches towards integration and trends of energy markets in Eurasia. The second chapter introduces the role of oil and gas transport capacities and Ukraine's transit status in resolving disparities of Eurasian energy supply chain. The third chapter describes condition of Ukrainian oil and gas infrastructure and tackles issues for reformation of national oil and gas transit pipelines. Securing access to energy supplies has been a driving factor of global development since the industrial revolution. Increasing demand for oil and gas has undermined energy and economic security of world centers. In Eurasia Europe and Asia has been competing for fossil fuels originating from Russia, Middle East and Central Asia. Since recently Eurasian energy security problem is being solved by development of new supply routes. These infrastructural projects are initiated by oil and gas consumers, suppliers and transitors competing over control in the infrastructure. Such competition destabilises Eurasian relations, leads to energy "wars", political conflicts and increases supplies disruption risks. To secure stability of energy supply chain producers, transitors and consumers of oil and gas resources should integrate, closely cooperate and jointly invest into improving the existing supply routes and efficiency of fuels consumtion, production and transportation. Oil and gas should be traded for technologies and capital securing control in the infrustucture of mutual interests. Development of further bilateral and multilateral tools of joint interest would also help in resolving energy related contradictions of the participating parties. The leading role in driving energy integration in Eurasia belongs to the EU being the most mature and advanced integration grouping in Eurasia. EU realises TEN-e projects and from recently a common foreign energy policy aimed to strengthen external cooperation with oil and gas suppliers and transitors, including Ukraine. Since 1970s Ukraine has been an important oil and gas transitor for Russian and Central Asian oil and gas to Europe. Ukrainian pipelines intermediate 10 % of oil and 50 % of gas imports of Europe. To counterbalance Russian energy diplomacy over Ukraine, EU is supporting Ukraine's efforts in such energy alliances as INOGATE or GUAM. Ukraine's recent accession to the South Eastern-European Energy Community should improve stability of gas and oil supplies to Europe and facilitate reformation of national transit capacities.

Tous les etats issus du démembrement de l'urss ont dû résoudre, depuis 15 ans, une question fondamentale : celle de la définition et de l'affirmation de leur identité. ayant tous la même aspiration à la liberté, à l'autonomie productive, à l'ouverture au monde, ces pays ont commencé à réformer leurs systèmes juridiques, politiques et économiques. toutefois le droit international soviétique, spécifique, fermé dans son propre système et lié fortement à la politique extérieure de l'urss, continue à persister dans les etats post-soviétiques, malgré leur aspiration aux règles des sociétés occidentales juste après l'indépendance. ainsi, le renouvellement de la doctrine et de la pratique internationale des etats post-soviétiques se passe d'abord dans des conditions de permanence de la conception soviétique du droit international d'un côté et du désir de trouver sa place dans la communauté internationale de l'autre. cette rénovation ayant ses particularités dans chaque etat ex-soviétique, a affecté non seulement la formation de la pensée juridique et la pratique diplomatique de ces etats, mais aussi les rapports entre les droits internes et le droit international. c'est à l'époque de la fin de l'antagonisme des blocs qu'on observe l'intégration des etats issus de l'urss dans le monde de la nouvelle répartition des forces /... / International law is a « common language » but the vision of international law is far from being universal. It is a « multiplicity of particular national, regional, individual, institutional visions of international law. One can speak of the existence of regional American, Latin American, European, Asian, African approaches of law, but what about the geographical region of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics? In the XXth century one spoke about the Soviet conception of international law, which was a complex phenomenon, having its roots in the Russian legal school, combining the multiculturalism of the Russian Empire and the Soviet state and causing the division of the world into two blocks : Western and Soviet. For over twenty years that the Soviet Union no longer exists and the former Soviet states became independent and sovereign actors in the international arena. Can we therefore speak today about the existence of national approaches to international law of each state of the former USSR ? The objective of this thesis is to present the current state of doctrine and practice of the post-Soviet international law, considering the renewal of approaches of foreign policies of the post-Soviet states, and doctrinal concepts of international legal scholars. Does the post-Soviet doctrine of international law exist ? The contemporary international law is faced with challenges such as regionalization, globalization and the establishment of the rule of law in international law. Faced with these challenges, the doctrine and practice post-Soviet international law have been renewed. What approaches the post-Soviet states adopt in response to the contemporary challenges of regionalization, globalization and the establishment of the rule of law in international law?