European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

Kalla krigets slut innebar helt förändrade säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningar för de flesta stater. Då var världen uppdelad i två tydliga block med två styrande supermakter i ständig dragkamp medan vi idag har en annan verklighet med många olika allianser och asymmetriska hot av olika slag. Denna säkerhetspoltiska omdaning har också påverkat det vetenskapliga studiet av internationella relationer och framförallt under 90-talet deklarerade flera forskare det liberala perspektivets seger över realismen.  Denna uppsats är en fallstudie som tittar närmare på Europeiska unionens första marina insats, EUNAVFOR - Operation Atalanta och särskilt på Sveriges deltagande i den samma. Syftet är att söka efter de motiv som läggs fram för insatsen i såväl FNs resolutioner som EUs och Sveriges riksdags beslut för att sedan analysera dessa utifrån de två grundläggande vetenskapliga perspektiven inom internationella relationer.  Studien visar att sanningen ligger någonstans mitt emellan dessa två motsatta perspektiv. Båda förhållningsätten innebär ett antal antaganden och förenklingar vilka leder till blinda fläckar i studien och först när man ställer dem emot varandra framkommer helheten. Sveriges deltagande i operation Atalanta kan alltså förklaras av både strikt nationella motiv och av ett delat ansvar inom världssamfundet. / The end of the Cold War meant fundamentally changed conditions for policymaking in security matters for most states. Before, the world was divided between two blocks with two ruling superpowers in a constant tug-of-war, whiles we today have another reality with many different alliances and asymmetric threats of different kinds. This security transformation have also affected the academic study of international relations and in particular during the 90th many scholars declared the victory of the liberal perspective over realism. This thesis is a case study of the European Unions first naval operation, EUNAVFOR – Operation Atalanta and in particular the Swedish participation in this operation. The purpose of the study is to look for the motives in the decisions on different levels, from the UN security council, to the EU council and the Swedish parliament, and to analyze those motives according to the to major perspectives in IR-studies.  The thesis show that truth lies somewhere in between this two opposing perspectives. Both viewpoints result in a number of assumptions and simplifications that lead to blind spots in the study. Not until the two perspectives are compared with each other the whole picture will emerge. Sweden’s participation in operation Atalanta can be explained both with strictly national motives and with a concept of shared responsibility within the international community.

The Thesis examines the implementation of the ESDP in the planning systems of North West Europe (Denmark, North Germany, Netherlands). For that it shows the influence of the ESDP on programmes and policies in the respective planning system, and also provides ideas to improve the interaction.

The aim of this study is to examine the extent to which the end of the Cold War led to Europeanisation in European Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The analysis takes into consideration previous studies on Europeanisation and its impact on the transformation of national security and defence, and attempts to account for the development of Europeanisation and related mechanisms. These mechanisms, which were described by Radaelli as framing mechanisms and negative integration, incorporate all major relevant factors identified in the thesis (i.e., a common strategic culture, new security identity, domestic political decision-making, industrial base and defence spending decline) which contribute to the realisation of the CSDP. The relevance of these factors for CSDP Europeanisation is examined through historical and empirical analysis. Furthermore, the relationship between CSDP and NATO is also explored. This approach facilitates the analysis of the debate concerning the emergence of CSDP and throws light on the political shift that led EU leaders to support CSDP. Another aspect of this study is the empirical analysis of the dynamics and limitations of the European defence sector. The changes which took place in the European defence sector facilitated the emergence of CSDP. Hence, these changes are analysed in view of globalisation issues, economies of scale, economic crises, military autonomy, new security strategy and R&D impact.

European security and defence policy has developed at a significant rate since the late 1990s. As a growing field of analysis, there have been few studies to date that have explored the foreign and domestic implications of the European Union's emerging security and defence policies. This thesis seeks to assess the quality and effectiveness of the present day defence policies of the European Union through an examination of its commitment to civilian and military missions abroad. In so doing, this thesis suggests that these missions stem from a misguided belief that the promotion of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law beyond its border is the most effective means by which to achieve security within Europe. This thesis concludes that the economic and political tools available to the European Union provide a better means by which to ensure security in Europe and around the world.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

La gestione civile delle crisi (GCC) si inserisce nel contesto della Politica Europea di Sicurezza e Difesa (PESD) che, a sua volta, è uno degli elementi della più ampia PESC (Politica Estera e di Sicurezza Comune). GCC, PESD e PESC sono componenti delle relazioni esterne dell'Unione europea (UE). La gestione civile delle crisi è una policy dell'UE la cui analisi richiede di rispondere a diversi quesiti teorico pratici: 1) cosa è esattamente la gestione civile delle crisi e a cosa essa corrisponde in ambito UE (Capitolo I); 2) quali sono le caratteristiche generali delle iniziative civili per il mantenimento della pace e della sicurezza internazionali realizzate dalle Nazioni Unite (NU), dall'Organizzazione per la Sicurezza e la Cooperazione in Europa (OSCE), dall'Unione dell'Europa Occidentale e dalla NATO (Capitolo I), 3) come si è sviluppata la GCC dal trattato di Maastricht a oggi (Capitolo II e Capitolo III); 4) come si concepisce, pianifica e lancia una missione di GCC (Capitolo iv); quali sono le missioni di GCC realizzate dall'UE dal 1997 al 2006 (capitolo v); 5) quale è la relazione tra PESC, PESD E GCC e il valore aggiunto della GCC dell'ue rispetto ad altre organizzazioni internazionali (Conclusioni) / Civilian Crisis Management (CCM) is part of the European security and defence policy (ESDP), which is, on its own, an element of the broader common foreign and security policy (CFSP). CCM, ESDP and CFSP are tools of the external relations of the European Union (EU) . Civilian crisis management is a policy of the EU whose analysis requires both a theoretical and practical approach. It is indispensable to understand what civilian crisis management is, in general, and specifically in the framework of the European Union (Chapter I). Afterwards, some attention has been devoted to the investigation of the civilian crisis management initiatives of the United Nations (UN), of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), of the Western European Union (WEU) and of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (Chapter I). A further step in the understanding of the CCM of the EU is the evaluation of its historical evolution from the Treaty of Maastricht up to 2006 (Chapter II and III). It is also paramount to consider how CCM missions are designed, planned and deployed (Chapter IV) and which missions have been carried trough until 2006 (Chapter V). Finally, it has been evaluated which is the current relations in-between CCM, ESDP and CFSP and which is the added value of EU's CCM compared to the initiatives of other international organizations (Conclusions).

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis analyzes the "updated Petersberg tasks" included in the draft treaty establishing a Constitution for the European Union. The original Petersberg tasks called for forces capable of humanitarian and rescue missions, peacekeeping operations and tasks of combat forces in crisis management, including peacemaking. The updated tasks add conflict prevention, joint disarmament, military advice and assistance, post-conflict stabilization, and support to third countries in combating terrorism. The thesis focuses on the requirements of these tasks and the capabilities of the European Union's civilian agencies and military forces to execute them. It explores the meaning of the new missions, their specific capability requirements, and the prospects for the European Union to meet these requirements. It concludes that the European Union is currently capable of undertaking the missions that require mostly civilian tools or medium-level military forces for their conduct. The European Union does not at present have the relevant capabilities for the missions that demand more advanced military forces. / Major, Hellenic Army

Tentant de sortir du seul modèle connu et qui s’offre aux partenaires européens, à savoir l’OTAN, l’UE se fonde sur un système original et spécifique qui se veut plus efficace devant les défis de sécurité d’aujourd’hui et de demain. En parallèle, l’Alliance atlantique, qui tire pour beaucoup, sa légitimité de l’Histoire du continent européen, essaie de se maintenir en tant qu’acteur privilégié en matière de défense et de sécurité collective. L’objectif de cette thèse est de défendre l’idée de la pertinence de l’Union européenne en tant qu’acteur majeur dans le domaine de la défense et de sécurité tout en mettant en évidence les différences fondamentales entre celle-ci et l’action de l’Alliance atlantique. Ce travail de recherche fournit une analyse doctrinale et conceptuelle, à la fois « éclectique et pluraliste », pour répondre à la question de l’établissement de relations entre plusieurs institutions internationales de sécurité à partir des comportements étatiques en matière de sécurité et de défense collective. Cette analyse ne peut se faire sans se fonder sur les développements politiques et techniques ayant marqué ces vingt-cinq dernières années. Ces faits constituent des éléments tant explicatifs qu’évaluatifs du processus par lequel ces institutions naissent ou se modifient. Ils contribuent également à mettre en lumière les mécanismes d’interdépendance étroite entre l’Alliance atlantique et le processus de la PESD de l’Union européenne, et par ailleurs, de souligner l’originalité de cette dernière. Cette interdépendance existe sur le plan politique et dans ses différents aspects militaires (stratégique, opérationnel et tactique), ainsi que dans le volet technico-industriel ; elle résulte directement tant de la double appartenance historique des États membres à des instruments multilatéraux de sécurité, d’événements politiques majeurs touchant le continent européen, que des efforts entrepris pour faire converger les intérêts nationaux et, donc, le façonnage d’une culture stratégique. / The European Union bases its security system on genuine and specific approach which would allow the face the forthcoming challenges. Meanwhile it has attempted to untangle from the unique model of collective security in the Euroatlantic area, that is to say NATO. This study aims to defend the relevancy of the EU as a major international actor in a large scale of security missions. Moreover it highlights the main differences between the EU vis-à-vis the Alliance’s activities. It is based on a theoretical and conceptual analysis which uses both an eclectic and pluralist approach in order to provide answers on how States’ behavior in defense and collective security matters influences the setting up of relations between several international security institutions. This analysis derives from the political and technical developments that influenced the security landscape the last twenty-five years. These facts help to explain and to evaluate the process by which such institutions arise and develop. They finally contribute to highlight the tight and original interdependency of the between the Atlantic Alliance and the European Security and Defense Policy of the European Union. This interdependency is real from political, military (strategic, operational and tactical) and technical-industrial perspectives ; it directly originates from the historical dual belonging to the multinational security frameworks, from major political events on the European continent, as much as a joint effort to focus on common interests and the shaping of a strategic culture.

La présente étude est consacrée à la naissance d'une diplomatie européenne sous le regard polonais. À travers l'histoire de la construction européenne, il s'agit d'analyser la marche vers la mise en place du Service européen pour l'action extérieure (SEAE). Lancé en 2010 sous l'autorité du Haut Représentant de l'Union pour les affaires étrangères et la politique de sécurité, il devait réformer en profondeur les relations extérieures de l'Union européenne et lui permettre de s'affirmer en tant qu'acteur sur la scène internationale. Le regard de la Pologne permet de saisir plus concrètement les enjeux politiques et stratégiques liés à la création d'une diplomatie commune de l'UE. Deux aspects de cette diplomatie européenne sont étudiés : son visage et son appareil. Cette étude s'intéresse aux développements successifs de la représentation extérieure de l'UE dans la perspective de l'émergence d'une diplomatie européenne de réseaux. Elle démontre que la création du SEAE a provoqué des mouvements tectoniques dans l'architecture institutionnelle européenne et à l'intérieur des appareils diplomatiques nationaux. / The present study deals with the birth of a European diplomacy from the Polish point of view. Throughout the history of the European construction, the aim is to analyze the progress towards the establishment of the European External Action Service (EEAS). Launched in 2010 under the authority of the High Représentative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and the Security Policy, it had to reform in depth the external relations of the European Union (EU) and allow it to assert itself as an actor on the international stage. The Polish approach enables to grasp more concretely the political and stratégie issues related to the création of a common EU diplomacy. Two aspects of this European diplomacy are studied : its face and its apparatus. This study examines the successive developments of the EU external représentation in the context of the emergence of European diplomacy networks. It demonstrates that the EEAS has caused tectonic movements in the European institutional architecture and within national diplomatie services.