Background: Physical Activity on Prescription (PAP) is a proven way to increase physical activity amongst patients in primary healthcare. Despite the scientific support for the method and the fact that it is being used in several countries (for example Sweden and Finland ), Estonia has not implemented this method in the healthcare system. The aim of the study was to describe Estonian healthcare professionals’ views on Liikumisretsept (Physical Activity on Prescription) and problematize the implementation of Liikumisretsept in the Estonian healthcare system.Methods: Twelve semi-structured interviews with Estonian medical professionals were conducted: four with family doctors, two with specialist doctors, two with physiotherapists, and two with healthcare managers. The transcribed texts were analyzed using inductive content analysis.Results: Key findings were that Liikumisretsept was described as a method that helps to support PA as part of the treatment by giving patients clear directions for PA depending on their condition. There is clear support from medical professionals and from the Health Insurance Fund for this method to be implemented in Estonian healthcare. It was found that it is a prescription that every medical professional should know how to prescribe, including physiotherapists. Secondly, main barriers to implementation were identified like lack of awareness, support, education, and the need for better collaboration between all stakeholders. Solutions identified were that there should be educational trainings for medical professionals on how to prescribe Liikumisretsept, promotion of this method through different channels, and having support for Liikumisretsept from national governing bodies like Healthcare Insurance Fund to guarantee the funding for it. Conclusion: Liikumisretsept is seen as a method to provide individual PA guidelines for patients depending on their condition to raise their physical activity. Awareness about PA should be increased amongst medical professionals to support Liikumisretsept as a suitable treatment option. Educational trainings and supportive collaboration from all stakeholders are needed for successful implementation. Keywords: Physical activity, Physical Activity on Prescription, Estonia, Liikumisretsept, Implementation, Organizational readiness for change, Content analysis

The shift of mainstream International Relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union as well as societal changes challenged the way we see the world. This research is concerned with the, for the researcher most pressing issue of our social coexistence, (In-)equality. To further narrow down, the author engages with identity formation and the issue of gender in Estonia. After assessing the International Relations relevance of Feminist IR and pointing out Constructivist similarities ontological and epistemological assumptions are presented, where the author shares the Feminist claims of seeing states as the analytical unit in the international system but as a representational conglomeration of a population. Estonia´s transformation process, from a oppressed socialist society to economic liberalization will show a deeper connection to the population´s national identity. The methodological endeavour takes two indexes the Gender Equality Index and the World Value Survey and cross-analyses opinion with reality and finds correlation in the Socialist past influencing the opinion in Gender Equality. The comparative study with Slovenia shows ineffectiveness of Gender quotas and a general slow progress in terms of Gender Equality. Concluding, that the past and the constructed identity against the former Soviet ideology and the constructed national identity has an influence on Gender Equality.

What kind of routine media and communication practices do Estonian civil society organizations enact in their everyday work? What sort of symbolic and physical spaces are used, created, and accessed by Estonian civil society organizations and informal citizen groups when engaging internally and with their target groups? How do these spaces and practices evolve over time? These are the questions this dissertation addresses, with the aim of understanding the ways in which already-established and evolving civil society organizations navigate the highly-mediated everyday through their routine media practices and the spaces in which these practices are situated. Theoretically, this study takes a cultural approach to political participation with the concept of ‘civic cultures’ (Dahlgren 2009, p. 103) in the centrum. In this dissertation, the civic cultures framework is concentrated into a focus on the everyday, on media practices, and on communicative spaces. The concepts of ‘everyday’ and ‘spaces’ are empirically accessed through a practice approach. To distill and explore the role of media in the everyday work of civil society organizations, this thesis borrows from “activist media practices” (Mattoni 2012, p. 159) framework. The empirical study is grounded in the wider geopolitical context of Eastern Europe and in the historical context of post-Soviet Europe, and more specifically in Estonian civil society. Using a multi-methods approach based on media ethnography, this study includes a nationally-representative survey, in-depth interviews with civil society organizations, and a longitudinal study of the Estonian Forest Aid movement. This study found that parallel to striving towards episodic visibility in physical spaces, in mainstream media, and in decision making, civil society organizations worked on constant visibility in the social media space. The most used social media platform, Facebook, proved to be an important space for developing civic cultures on an everyday level: it was used for campaigns, opinion shaping, for disseminating news, and for civic talk. Everyday communication within the organizations was done using a mix of different media technologies and face-to-face meetings. Each media technology and communicative space had their own role and function in the everyday work of Estonian civil society organizations.

This thesis explores the role played by nationalism in Estonia's transition to capitalism in the post-Soviet era and the way it continues to impact the Estonian economy. I hypothesize that nationalism was the key factor in this transition and that nationalism has placed a disproportionate economic burden on the resident ethnic Russians. First, I examine the history of Estonian nationalism. I examine the Estonian nationalist narrative from its beginning during the Livonian Crusade, the founding of Estonian nationalist thought in the late 1800s with a German model of nationalism, the conditions of the Soviet occupation, and the role of song festivals in Estonian nationalism. Second, I give a brief overview of the economic systems of Soviet and post-Soviet Estonia. Finally, I examine the impact of nationalism on the Estonian economy. To do this, I discuss the nature of nationalist economy, the presence of an ethno-national divide between the Estonians and Russians, and the impact of nationalist policies in citizenship, education, property rights, and geographical location. I find that there is a disproportionate difference in these areas between Estonians and ethnic Russians which affect the economy. I conclude by examining the problems and potential solutions to citizenship law, the use of neoliberalism in assimilation, and proposing a framework which could be used to examine disparities between differing groups in other economies. / Master of Arts / Estonia is a small country in the Baltics. From the time of the Livonian Crusade in the 1300s, the land that would become Estonia had been under the control of one foreign occupier or another. In the late 1800s, the Estonian people started writing literature in their native language and collecting traditional folk songs. Singing these songs at festivals, the Estonian people developed a national identity. After twenty years of independence following the First World War, the Estonians were occupied by the Soviet Union. During this time, Estonians were subjected to deportations, Russification efforts, and control from Moscow. Relying on their language and folk song tradition, they kept the flame of the Estonian nation alive and gained independence in 1991. What followed was a rapid economic transition to a capitalist system with few barriers to trade, low regulations, and foreign direct investment. While the country made a tremendous amount of progress economically after the fall of the Soviet Union, there were still those who had fallen behind: the ethnic Russians. I argue that nationalism was the key factor in Estonia’s post-Soviet economic transition and is responsible for the disproportionate burden on the ethnic Russian population. I look at the impact of geography, education, and citizenship on the economic status of residents of Estonia. I conclude by examining the problems caused by citizenship law, neoliberalism and assimilation, and proposing a framework to examine disparities between groups in other economies.

The purpose of this study is to ascertain if exercising mental training, analysis and research on a musical piece before beginning the physical practicing process will benefit and simplify the learning process. The piece chosen is Eduard Tubin’s “Ballade” for violin and piano. Different sections have been analysed and translated into a narrative from my point of view. Historical background information is presented and the piece is also visual as a graph. From my research I deduct that mental techniques should be much more engaged into the everyday practice routine to avoid frustration and physical injuries, and assist in the learning process. / <p>I presented the piece in my examination with Erik Lanninger playing the piano but the recording is made in the hall of Musikaliska with Iveta Calite as the pianist on 30/05/17.</p>

Die Nachfrage nach Holz wird im Zeitraum der nächsten 15 Jahre bis 2030 sowohl in der EU als auch global zunehmen. Bedarfsabschätzungen zeigen Nachfrageüberhänge in der EU von jährlich 300 Mio. m³, eine Prognose spricht sogar von Holzfehlmengen von 430 Mio. m³. Der Anstieg der Weltbevölkerung bei wachsender Wirtschaft wird den Holzbedarf erhöhen, auch wenn derzeit weltweit in etwa ein Gleichgewicht zwischen Angebot und Nachfrage besteht. Die Nachfrage nach Holz unterliegt vielen Treibern. Die Langfrist-Prognosen bis zum Jahre 2030 sagen vor allem bei der energetischen Holznutzung eine permanente, über den Verbrauch von Holz zur stofflichen Nutzung liegende, hohe Nachfragesteigerung voraus. Der Trend der Bioökonomie mit der sukzessiven Reduktion des Anteils der fossilen Energieträger beim Primärenergieverbrauch zur Reduktion der Emissionen von Treibhausgasen wurde durch das Paris-Abkommen, das 2015 durch die internationale Gemeinschaft mit dem Ziel des Klimaschutzes verabschiedet wurde, noch verstärkt. Auch die Tendenz zur dezentralen Energieversorgung vor allem in den Kommunen, die besonders die Nachfrage nach Energieholz und schwachen Sortimenten wachsen lässt, das Bestreben zur Verringerung von nationalen Abhängigkeiten zu Russland als Lieferant bei Erdgas und Erdöl haben auf eine steigende zukünftige Nachfrage ebenso einen bedeutenden Einfluss wie die Substitution des Rohstoffes Erdöl durch Holz bei der Herstellung von Chemikalien und Treibstoffen. In den Wäldern der Mitgliedstaaten sind nach Einschätzung der EU größere stehende Holzvorräte vorhanden, die mobilisiert werden müssten, um das Ziel der EU, 20 % der Primärenergie aus erneuerbaren Energien bis zum Jahre 2020, zu erreichen. Die Produktion und die Nutzung von Holz im Rahmen einer nachhaltigen Forstwirtschaft hat über den gesamten Lebenszyklus eine ausgeglichene CO2 Bilanz. Durch die erhöhte Nutzung von Holz im Energiemix vermindert sich die CO2 Belastung der Atmosphäre. Wald-Inventuren, wie z.B. die in Deutschland vorliegenden Ergebnisse der 3. Bundeswaldinventur, bestätigen die Einschätzung der EU über die bestehenden Ressourcen. Die Verwendbarkeit dieser Ressourcen wird allerdings in zunehmendem Maße durch die Herausnahme von Wäldern aus der Produktion aus ökologischen oder sozioökonomischen Gründen beeinträchtigt. Unternehmer, deren Geschäftsmodell die Produktion von Holz auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen ist, evaluieren mögliche Standorte zur Produktion von Holz im Kurzumtrieb nach der politisch-rechtlichen Sicherheit, nach der Verfügbarkeit von Ressourcen und den Faktorpreisen. Günstige Voraussetzungen für die Anlage von Baumplantagen für die Produktion von Holz bestehen im Baltikum. In den drei Staaten sind die wesentlichen Parameter für den Holzanbau in Plantagen auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen gegeben: Gesichertes Rechtssystem mit dem Schutz des Eigentums, barrierefreier Zugang zu den Märkten innerhalb der EU, keine Währungsrisiken, günstige klimatischen Bedingungen mit ausreichend Niederschlag und freie Ressourcen bei Arbeit und Boden. Die EU-rechtliche Klassifizierung einer KUP als landwirtschaftliche Tätigkeit auf landwirtschaftlicher Fläche und als landwirtschaftliche Dauerkultur eröffnet die grundsätzliche Möglichkeit der Teilnahme der Kurzumtriebswirtschaft an den EU-Förderprogrammen der Direktförderung, der 1. Säule, und der Förderung der Entwicklung des ländlichen Raumes, der 2. Säule. KUP ist in das Ziele-Cluster Europa 2020/GAP 2020 der EU einbezogen. Für die KUP-Bauern sind auf nationaler Ebene die in das jeweilige Recht der baltischen Staaten transformierten EU Bestimmungen und die jeweils dazu gehörende Verwaltungsauffassung maßgebend. Der Umweltleistung der Dauerkultur „Niederwald im Kurzumtrieb“ wurde in den rechtlichen Bestimmungen der EU grundsätzlich Rechnung getragen. KUP sind von der Greening-Verpflichtung befreit. Es überrascht allerdings, dass KUP als „gleichwertige Methode zur Flächennutzung im Umweltinteresse“ bei der Anrechnung auf eine ökologischen Vorrangfläche nur mit Faktor 0,3, hingegen die Agroforstsysteme mit Faktor 1,0 Berücksichtigung fanden. Der KUP-Landwirt kann nur, wenn er Abweichungen beim Verwaltungshandeln zu den übergeordneten nationalen Gesetzen oder EU-Regeln zu seinem Nachteil erkennt, sein Recht im Widerspruchsverfahren suchen. Sowohl bei der Direktförderung wie auch bei der Strukturförderung wurden in allen drei baltischen Staaten Verwaltungsauffassungen identifiziert, die KUP im Vergleich zur Förderung der herkömmlichen Landwirtschaft mit annuellen Feldfrüchten benachteiligen oder weitgehend von der Förderung ausschließen. Im Bereich der Direktförderung gilt dies im besonderen Maße bei meliorierten Flächen. Die Detailanalyse zeigt, dass die Etablierung von KUP auf solchen Böden entweder, wie in Lettland, zur Versagung der Direktförderung führt, oder, wie in Estland und Litauen mit Auflagen verbunden ist, die die Bereitschaft der Landwirte für die Anlage einer KUP stark hemmen. Bedeutend ist dies vor dem Hintergrund, dass in Estland rund 54 %., in Lettland rund 62 % und in Litauen rund 78 % der landwirtschaftlich nutzbaren Flächen mit Drainagen versehen sind. Im Bereich der Förderung nach der 2. Säule, insbesondere die Gewährung von Zuschüssen bei Auf- und Ausbau der Hofstelle sowie beim Ankauf von Maschinen und anderen Ausrüstungen, ist der KUP-Landwirt von der Förderung ausgeschlossen. Die Festlegung der Rotationszeiten verursacht ein weiteres Hemmnis. Die Produktion von Holz in KUP wird dadurch in den baltischen Staaten in Richtung bestimmter Holzsortimente, nämlich hauptsächlich Energieholz und schwache Sortimente, gelenkt. Die Bestimmungen legen in der Regel fünf Jahre als Umtriebszeit fest. Versuche, diese restriktiven Vorgaben aufzuweichen, waren bisher erfolglos. Zusätzliche Lenkungsimpulse in Richtung bestimmter anderer, stärkerer Holzsortimente gehen auch durch die Förderung der Aufforstung im Rahmen der Strukturförderung aus. Auf den baltischen Faktormärkten stehen für die Holzproduktion auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen im Kurzumtrieb Boden und Arbeitskräfte zu günstigen Preisen in ausreichendem Umfang zur Verfügung. Restriktionen beim Bodenerwerb in den ab dem Jahre 2014 geltenden nationalstaatlichen Bodenverkehrsrechtssystemen können für die Neu-Etablierung eines KUP-Betriebes hinderlich sein. Zu den realen Holzerträgen liegen für die baltischen Staaten noch keine Ernteergebnisse aus KUP auf größeren Flächen vor. Abschätzungen der Erntemengen waren deshalb anhand von Vergleichszahlen für KUP in klimatisch ähnlichen Regionen, anhand von Wuchsleistungen gängiger Klone und unter Einbeziehungen von Messungen auf Versuchsplantagen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen vorzunehmen. Die so taxierten realen Holzerträge liegen bei einem Durchschnitt von 10,00 tatro ha-1 a-1. Das Niveau der Marktpreise für das im Kurzumtrieb produzierte Hauptsortiment Hackschnitzel deutet auf einen aufnahmebereiten Markt mit für die Wirtschaftlichkeit der Produktion ausreichenden Preisen hin. Vergleiche mit längeren Zeitreihen, bei denen aktuelle Preisschwankungen geglättet sind, für Estland zwischen 2003 bis 2013, für Lettland zwischen 2009 bis 2014 und für Litauen zwischen 2008 bis 2014, bestätigen diese Aussage. Durch die Ermittlung der Annuitäten wird die Wirtschaftlichkeit einer KUP am Beispiel eines Betriebes in Lettland untersucht. Auf der Aufwandsseite konnten tatsächliche Kosten-Größen für eine Fläche von 100 ha in die Berechnungen einbezogen werden. Damit steht für eine Wirtschaftlichkeitsberechnung eine Datenbasis zu den Kosten zur Verfügung, die nicht ausschließlich für kleine Versuchsflächen in Estland, Lettland und Litauen erhoben wurde. Auf der Marktseite kann auf aktuelle Marktpreise für Hackschnitzel, bestätigt durch langfristige Zeitreihen, zurückgegriffen werden. In dieser, mit realen Zahlen fundierten Berechnung sind die Zahlungsströme dargestellt. Nicht in diese Kalkulation wurden wegen der Unsicherheit eines positiven Bescheides durch den LAD die Fördergelder einbezogen. Die Berechnungen zeigen positive Annuitäten, dem Indikator für den profitablen Betrieb einer KUP. Eine Sensitivitätsanalyse mit Veränderungen aller Kosten- und Ertragsfaktoren um jeweils 10 % bestätigt die Ertragsstabilität. Schließlich wird durch den Vergleich des Ergebnisses der Annuitätenberechnung mit einem landwirtschaftlichen Betrieb, der als Hauptkultur Weizen produziert, aufgezeigt, dass die Produktion von Holz auf landwirtschaftlichen Flächen mittels KUP die wirtschaftlich sinnvollere Alternative ist. Als agrarpolitischer Ausblick für die EU lässt sich aus der Gesamtanalyse resümieren, dass eine „Arbeitsteilung“, Feldfrüchte in den Mitgliedsländern zu erzeugen, in denen die Produktionsbedingungen aufgrund von klimatischen Aspekten und Standortparametern optimal sind, nicht gefördert, sondern eher gebremst wird. Wenn die Betriebsergebnisse aus der Produktion von Holz in KUP weiter zunehmen, wird der Markt durch die Aussicht auf höhere monetäre Erträge die Strukturanpassung, auch gegen die restriktive nationale Auslegung der EU-Förderrichtlinien in Estland, Lettland und Litauen bewirken. / The demand for timber will rise over the prognosis timeframe of the next 15 years until 2030. For Europe, demand forecast shows a deficit of supply of 300 mio. m³ per year; one study even states the amount at 430 mio. m³. The growth of the world population in combination with a growing economy will further increase the demand for wood, despite the current situation of equilibrium between demand and supply as shown by figures regarding the actual wood production. The demand is driven by many factors. Long-term prognoses to the year 2030 predict a permanent rise in demand for energetic use, which is above the rise of wood for material use. The bio economic trend, including the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions through the gradual reduction of fossil energy sources as a primary energy supply, has been reinforced through the Paris Agreement, adopted by the international community in 2015 with the aim of climate protection. Also other factors will strengthen future demand: the tendency towards decentralised energy production, especially within municipalities, which will particularly grow the demand for fuel wood and weak assortments; the tendency towards reducing dependence on Russia as a supplier of natural gas and oil; and the substitution of fossil energy sources for wood in the production of chemicals and fuel. The EU sees in the forests of its member states a large standing wood supply, which would need to be activated to reach the goal of substituting 20% of primary energy with renewable energy sources by 2020. Wood production and use has a neutral CO2 footprint throughout its lifecycle; if produced sustainably, it only emits as much CO2 as it had previously bound within itself through photosynthesis. Increasing the use of timber in the energy mix reduces the pollution of the atmosphere with CO2 Forest-inventories like the recently published 3rd German National Forest Inventory underline this assumption of the EU regarding the reserves. However, not all of the stock in the forests can be activated, as some forests are taken out of production due to ecological and socio-economic reasons. Entrepreneurs whose business model is determined by the production of wood on agricultural land evaluate possible locations for the production of wood in short rotation according the political and legal security, the availability of resources and the factor prices. The Baltic States offer favorable preconditions. All three states fulfill the major parameters for wood production on coppices on agricultural land: protection of the liberal order; secured legal system with the protection of property; barrier-free access to the markets within the EU; no currency risks; favorable climatic conditions with sufficient precipitation; and large amounts of resources in land and labor. The classification as agricultural activity on agricultural land and as an agricultural permanent crop makes SRC principally entitled to EU funding programs through direct support, the so-called 1st pillar, as well as though the funding of the agricultural structures, the so-called 2nd pillar. SRC are included in the goal cluster of Europe2020/CAP2020. For the SRC farmers on a national level, the applicable legislation derived from the EU-regulations and their administrative interpretations are crucial. The environmental performance of SRC was especially recognised, while excluding them from the Greening-Commitment. Surprisingly however, SRC is recognised with the factor 0.3 as a substitute for the compulsory creation of ecological compensation conservation areas, whereas argoforest systems with a lower soil regeneration period are recognised with the factor 1. The SRC agriculturist can request an appeal proceeding only if he feels there are discrepancies between the administrative acting and the superior national laws or EU rules. In comparison to the funding of traditional agriculture with annual crops, interpretations were identified in both pillars which discriminate against SRC by diminishing it or excluding it all together. In the direct funding sector this is especially applicable to meliorated land. A detailed analysis has shown that the establishment of SRC on such land leads to the complete denial of direct funding, like in Latvia, or subjection to strict conditions which hinder any SRC, like in Estonia and Lithuania. This is significant because in Estonia roughly 54%, in Latvia roughly 62% and in Lithuania roughly 78% of agricultural land has a drainage system. Within the 2nd pillar, the SRC farmer is excluded from support, especially in granting subsidies for building construction, acquisition of machines and other equipment. The definition of the rotation periods is causing another hurdle. The production of wood on SRC is steered towards certain market segments, mainly fuel wood and weak assortments, through the predefined rotation periods within the different Baltic States. These are generally set to five years. Efforts to soften this restrictive rule have so far been unsuccessful. Further stimulus guiding towards certain segments comes from the subsidies provided for reforestation by the structural funding. In the Baltic factor market, land and labour for wood production in SRC on agricultural land are available for reasonable prices and in sufficient quantities.Restrictions in purchasing land could arise from the “land-mobilisation” legal systems valid from 2014 for the new establishment of SRC. There are no authoritative figures available for the harvest yields on large scale SRC in the Baltic States. Estimations of the crop volume had to be made in comparison to regions with similar climatic conditions and the growth performance of common clones, taking into account measures from test facilities in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Assessed like this, the average wood production lies at 10.00 tovd ha-1 a-1.. The price levels for the wood sales in the market segment of SRC wood is robust for the internal market, as is the export demand. This is confirmed by a time-series analysis in which price fluctuations are evened out, for Estonia between 2003 and 2013, for Latvia between 2009 and 2014 and for Lithuania between 2008 and 2014. By calculating the annuity, the profitability of a SRC is evaluated using the example of an enterprise in Latvia. On the expenses side, real cost-figures for an area of 100ha could be used for the calculation, thus providing a data base which does not derive from only small experimental areas in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. On the market side, actual current market prices, backed up with long-term data series regarding the price level of wood chips, could be resorted to. In this calculation based on real figures, the cash-flow was illustrated. Money from the 1st and 2nd pillar was not added into the calculation due to the uncertainty of a positive decision by the LAD. The calculations show a positive result, indicating that a profitable management of a KUP is possible. A sensitivity analysis in which all cost and dendromass production figures where changed by 10% shows the stability of the calculation. Finally, a comparison of the annuity results to the income of a large company which produces annual field crops in crop rotation shows that the production of wood on agricultural land with SRC is the more economically sound alternative. Considering the agricultural outlook for the EU, one can draw from the overall analysis that a “division of labor” in which field crops are produced in the member states in which the climate aspects and the soil parameters are optimal is not supported, but rather inhibited. When the profits from the production of wood on agricultural land rise further, the market will, driven by the higher return of investment, cause that structural adjustment, despite EU subsidies.

The aim of this graduation theses is an evaluation of the economic advancement of the last five euro area countries, i.e. Slovenia, Cyprus, Malta, Slovakia and Estonia, in the context of the decaying world's economic crisis and adumbration the possible perspectives of their next economic advancement. The thesis is structured into five chapters (according to countries), whereas the structure is always the same - introductory subchapter evaluates the way to euro area by convergence reports of EC and ECB, the second one predicates current economic advancement by chosen economic indicators from Eurostat and the last one implies expected advancement by EC Autumn forecast 2010.

<p>This dissertation studies the ideas and political practices produced in the emerging rural public sphere in late Tsarist Estonia. The time period is characterized by radical social and economic change and growing national and political self consciousness. An underlying aim is to study the emergence and character of an agrarian ideology in Estonia, with a special concern paid for ideas on the organization of society.</p><p>The first section examines the emerging of Estonian language agricultural instruction books and agricultural journals. Studying the content and the advice on modernization and organization of farm work uncovers their underlying ideas on the organization of the rural society. The second section deals with the ideas and ideals presented in the agricultural instructions through the work of local agricultural associations and agricultural cooperatives. Finally the ideals of the agricultural instructions and the practice of the associations are studied on a national level, as expressed at the Agricultural Congresses 1899 and 1905 and the All-Estonian Congress 1905.</p><p>The study emphasizes the importance of the rural sphere in creating the foundation for the interwar Estonian society and shows significant ideological and organizational similarities between the Estonian agrarian movement and contemporary agrarian movements in Europe.</p>

<p>The purpose with this essay is to explore the social changes in relation to changes in mortality for the two largest ethnic groups in Estonia; ethnic Estonians and the Russian minority. Since this is a geographical essay, my purpose is also to explore these changes in relation to the country’s internal geography. As these changes appear over time in space, the content is partly rooted in a time geographical point of view. It is also rooted in a regional geographical point of view, since I have been comparing the mentioned changes between different areas in Estonia (with considerations on developments abroad).</p><p>Two different development lines can be seen as a consequence of the social changes taking place in the 1990s. While the ethnic Estonians situation has improved, the Russian minority’s situation has instead declined regarding to social existence and health. As a result the mortality has increased enormously for the Russian minority. The ethnic Estonians had also a mortality increase in practically all studied causes of death in all studied areas, but this increase wasn’t as high as for the Russian minority. Nevertheless, when comparing two different counties with each other as well as with the country as whole, the pattern seems to be more complicated. The Russians living in the western county of Läänemaa, have been affected more favourably by the social change than those living in the north-eastern county of Ida-Virumaa. Except for mortality by alcohol poisoning, the Russians living in Läänemaa had a much lower mortality increase than those living in Ida-Viruma and even compared with the country as whole.</p><p>It seems as those Russians living in the western parts of Estonia have been affected more favourably than those living in the north-eastern parts. These structures are very much depending on the history, since most of the Russians living in the north-eastern area immigrated during the Soviet era, while the western parts had a much earlier immigration of Russians. Considering the time and place of the Russian immigration, one can divide the Russian minority in two groups; those in the west, and those in the east.</p>

<p>Some researchers argue that the immigrant integration approaches in liberal (and “Western-“) states are becoming more and more alike. Some claim that the previous philosophises of integration (i.e. multiculturalism, segregationism, universalism and assimilationism) no longer exists in liberal states. This study assesses the robustness of this “convergence claim” within an East-EU context. The purpose of the study is to analyse the policy trends of immigrant integration in the East-EU and assess the robustness of the convergence claim. The analysis and methodological approach is based on a theoretical framework of ideal-types (multiculturalism, segregationism, universalism and assimilationism). The study objects are Estonia and Poland, and the analysis is primarily based on national legislation and policy documents. The study describes the immigrant integration trends in Poland and Estonia in the “post-Soviet era”, looking at the policy trends between 1991-2008. During this period both countries have shown tendencies of segregationism and cultural monism. It is clear that Estonia and Poland (i.e. parts of East-EU) have not adopted a more “Western-style” approach regarding immigrant integration, i.e. there is no evidence of such convergence. In fact, the ethnic component of their immigrant integration approaches stands in contrast to the “convergence thesis”.</p>