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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 21 to 30 of 31 (0.054 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"ethnic cleaning"" "subject:"bethnic cleaning""
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Dynamiques de participation et processus de cristallisation de bandes armées dans les crimes de masse : retour sur la violence en ex-YougoslavieTanner, Samuel January 2008 (has links)
Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal
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Conflict in the great lakes region of Africa : the Burundi experience, 1993-2000Check, Nicasius Achu 31 January 2005 (has links)
Burundi became a German protectorate in August 1884. Prior to the establishment of a protectorate, the territory was ruled by Mwamis (kings) who exercised a kind of quasi-divine system of administration. Conflictual relations were quickly dealt with within this complex structure. During the German and later Belgian colonial administrations, these political structures were redefined and a social class structure based on wealth was created. Forced class division became entrenched in the social fabric of Burundian society and the hierarchical system became even more prominent at independence in July 1962. Successive post-colonial regimes have failed to bridge the social gap. The International Community, through initiatives by the United Nations, the Africa Union, Jimmy Carter, Julius Nyerere and Nelson Mandela have attempted to resolve the political impasse. The dissertation is an attempt to reconstruct the causes of the various crises since 1962 and to reassess whether the various facilitators has succeeded in their tasks. / History / M.A.
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"Jedna si jedina moja domovina?" Etno-demografické proměny Bosny a Hercegoviny v letech 1945 - 2012 / "Are You the One and Only Homeland I have?" Ethnodemographic Changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1945-2012Žíla, Ondřej January 2014 (has links)
ŽÍLA, Ondřej: "Are You the One and Only Homeland I have?" Ethno-demographic Changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1945-2012 Abstract Thesis on "Are You the One and Only Homeland I have?" Ethno-demographic Changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1945-2012 analyses population development of three constitutive nations of Bosnia and Herzegovina, transformation of ethnic proportional representation of Bosnian population due to differences in demographic behaviour and spatial impacts of forced migration on population distribution after the end of the civil conflict in the 1990s. The main focus is on comparing the development of the ethno-demographic structure of socialist Bosnia and Herzegovina with the condition of the country after the war. The current demographic characteristics of the population, and contemporary ethnic composition of the country remains fundamentally affected by events related to the conflict: the so called forced migration and ethnic cleansing. The thesis compiles two fundamental approaches, one of them being the top-down approach. It focuses on the characteristics of the role of Western powers in the post-war peace-building process, specifically the analysis of their principal objective - restoration of the original ethnic heterogeneity by means of controlled repatriation of refugees, and evaluation...
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Ethno-Religious Conflict in Northern Nigeria: The Latency of Episodic GenocideOkoye, Grace O. 01 January 2013 (has links)
This dissertation explores the ethnic and religious dimensions of the northern Nigeria conflict in which gruesome killings have intermittently occurred, to determine whether there are genocidal inclinations to the episodic killings. The literature review provides the contextual framework for examining the conflict parties and causation factors to address the research questions: Are there genocidal inclinations to the ethno-religious conflict in northern Nigeria? To what extent does the interplay between ethnicity and religion help to foment and escalate the conflict in northern Nigeria? The study employs a mixed content analysis and grounded theory methodology based on the Strauss and Corbin (1990) approach. Data sourcing was from 197 newspaper articles on the conflict over the study period spanning from the 1966 northern Nigeria massacres of thousands of Ibos up to present, ongoing killings between Muslims and Christians or non-Muslims in the region. Available texts of the conflict cases over the research period were content-analyzed using Nvivo qualitative data analysis software involving processes of categorizing, coding and evaluation of the textual themes. The study structures a theoretical model for determining proclivity to genocide, and finds that there are genocidal inclinations to the northern Nigeria conflict, involving the specific intent to ‘cleanse’ the north through the exclusionary ideology of imposition of the Sharia law through enforced assimilation or extermination of Christians and other non-Muslims who do not assimilate or adopt the Muslim ideology. The study also suggests that there is latency in the recognition of these genocidal manifestations due to their episodic nature and intermittency of occurrence. he study provides further understanding of factors underlying and sustaining the violent conflict between Muslims and Christians in northern Nigeria. It contributes new perspectives and theoretical model for determining genocidal proclivity to the field of conflict analysis and resolution, and proffers alternative strategies for relationship building and peaceful coexistence among different religious groups. The findings will guide recommendations on policy formulations for eliminating religious intolerance in northern Nigeria. The study creates further awareness on the need for global intervention on the region’s sporadic killings to avert full blown Rwandan type genocide in Nigeria.
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Politika a sociální praxe kolektivního násilí v českých zemích 1944-1946 / Politics and Social Practice of Collective Violence in Bohemian Lands 1944-1946Mrňka, Jaromír January 2017 (has links)
and key words Politics and Social Practice of Collective Violence in Bohemian Lands 1944-1946 Doctoral Thesis Jaromír Mrňka, Charles University, Prague, 2017. The thesis is focused on the acts of collective violence that took place in the territory of the Bohemian lands in the period between years 1944 and 1946. Despite the traditional interpretation of the May 1945 as a crucial reversal, the general explanation focuses on the collective violence as a phenomenon overlapping traditional turning points. Remaining high amount of violent interactions is an element connecting the final war operations with the first weeks and months after. Applying concepts of political sociology (Charles Tilly), social psychology (Philip Zimbardo) and microsociology (Randall Collins) the thesis strive to capture interdependent nature of collective violence between its structural preconditions and situational dynamics. Based on the quantitative evaluation of the acts of collective violence, the first step outlines a macro social topography of collective violence. The main point is an identification of key actors of the politics of collective violence and their correlation to basic configurations of particular political regimes (i.e. occupational regime of the so called Protectorate and limited democratic regime of...
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Les motivations des acteurs étatiques dans les interventions humanitaires : les États-Unis face aux cas du Rwanda (1994), du Kosovo (1999) et du Darfour (2003 à 2008)Bregaj, Anjeza 05 1900 (has links)
Ce mémoire vise à comprendre les motivations des États à intervenir militairement dans un autre État pour mettre fin aux violations graves des droits de l’homme tel que le nettoyage ethnique et le génocide. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre pourquoi il y a eu une variation dans la position américaine face aux cas de génocide au Rwanda en 1994, au Kosovo en 1999 et au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. À partir d’une approche réaliste en Relations Internationales qui met l’accent sur l’intérêt national égoïste comme facteur principal explicatif du comportement des États, nous procédons à l’étude des cas de la position américaine lors de trois crises humanitaires. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre la non intervention des États-Unis lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, l’intervention américaine au Kosovo en 1999, et enfin la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008.
En somme, nos études de cas démontrent que c’est l’intérêt national qui motive les États d’intervenir ou de ne pas intervenir lors des cas de nettoyage ethnique ou de génocide. D’une part, lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, les États-Unis ne sont pas intervenus car l’intérêt national interprété comme le repli sur les affaires internes américaines ne serait pas maximisé par l’intervention militaire. Ensuite, l’intervention des États-Unis et de l’OTAN au Kosovo en 1999 est expliquée par l’intérêt national américain dans un contexte de l’après guerre froide d’approfondir son engagement sécuritaire en Europe et de préserver sa position hégémonique et son prestige sur la scène internationale, d’assurer la stabilité régionale et de préserver la crédibilité de l’OTAN. Finalement, l’intérêt national défini en termes de sécurité dans un contexte de la guerre au terrorisme explique la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. / This master’s thesis seeks to analyze what motivates a state’s military intervention in another state in order to stop mass human rights violations such as ethnic cleansing and genocide. Particularly, it tries to explain the United States inconsistent behavior towards genocide and ethnic cleansing during the Rwanda 1994, the Kosovo 1999, and the Darfur 2003 to 2008 humanitarian crisis. Using arguments of the realist approach in International Relations, whose main explanatory factor for state behavior is egoistic national self- interest, this paper examines the United States position during these three human rights crisis. Specifically, we seek to understand the United States non intervention during the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda in 1994, the United States intervention in Kosovo in 1999, and finally the United States non intervention during the mass killings in Darfur in 2003 to 2008.
These case studies demonstrate that shifting definitions of the national self-interest motivate states to intervene or not intervene in ethnic cleansing and genocide crisis. First, during the 1994 Tutsi genocide in Rwanda, the United States chose to not intervene because the national interest, defined as the concentration on domestic affairs, would not be maximized by a military intervention. Secondly, the United States and NATO military intervention during the Kosovo crisis in 1999 can be explained by the pursuit of national self-interest maximization: in the post cold war context, the United States seek to strengthen their security engagements in Europe, to preserve their position and prestige in the international arena, to ensure regional stability as well as the NATO credibility. Finally, it will be argued that the national security self-interests motivated the United States non intervention in Darfur 2003 to 2008.
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Is the R2P- principle inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system? : - China’s indoctrination camps of Uyghur and Kazakh Muslim minorities in Former East TurkestanAltay, Tansulu January 2018 (has links)
During the UN World Summit 2005 all Member States of the United Nations unanimously accepted the Responsibility to protect- principle (R2P- principle), that each member state shall protect its own population from ethnic cleansing, genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. During the set-up of the United Nations and the Security Council’s veto system in the San Francisco Conference 1945, the five permanent members of the Security Council promised that their right to veto would be used “sparingly” and in the “interest” of the world organization, to safeguard “the International peace and security”. Despite the united acceptance of the R2P- principle to avoid mass atrocities since 2005, China have been detaining up to one million Uyghur, including Kazakhs in detainment camps, in former East Turkestan since the beginning of 2018. Since the passage to invoke the R2P- principle is by the Security Council, the question arises if- the veto would serve as a deadlock on the R2P- principle if China could veto such decision. The purpose of the thesis have therefore been to analyze if the R2P- principle is inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system, by targeting China’s opportunity of vetoing the R2P- principle. The conclusion have been that the R2P- principle is inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system. This is because a permanent member can block the R2P- principle by either vetoing or double vetoing a draft resolution, which have been demonstrated by illustrating how China could veto the R2P- principle. Since the decisions of the Security Council cannot be appealed or dissent in terms of the veto card and UN Charter, it leaves the R2P- principle inefficient with a weak operational legitimacy against the Security Council’s powerful veto system, on the cost of human lives.
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Les motivations des acteurs étatiques dans les interventions humanitaires : les États-Unis face aux cas du Rwanda (1994), du Kosovo (1999) et du Darfour (2003 à 2008)Bregaj, Anjeza 05 1900 (has links)
Ce mémoire vise à comprendre les motivations des États à intervenir militairement dans un autre État pour mettre fin aux violations graves des droits de l’homme tel que le nettoyage ethnique et le génocide. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre pourquoi il y a eu une variation dans la position américaine face aux cas de génocide au Rwanda en 1994, au Kosovo en 1999 et au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. À partir d’une approche réaliste en Relations Internationales qui met l’accent sur l’intérêt national égoïste comme facteur principal explicatif du comportement des États, nous procédons à l’étude des cas de la position américaine lors de trois crises humanitaires. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à comprendre la non intervention des États-Unis lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, l’intervention américaine au Kosovo en 1999, et enfin la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008.
En somme, nos études de cas démontrent que c’est l’intérêt national qui motive les États d’intervenir ou de ne pas intervenir lors des cas de nettoyage ethnique ou de génocide. D’une part, lors du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994, les États-Unis ne sont pas intervenus car l’intérêt national interprété comme le repli sur les affaires internes américaines ne serait pas maximisé par l’intervention militaire. Ensuite, l’intervention des États-Unis et de l’OTAN au Kosovo en 1999 est expliquée par l’intérêt national américain dans un contexte de l’après guerre froide d’approfondir son engagement sécuritaire en Europe et de préserver sa position hégémonique et son prestige sur la scène internationale, d’assurer la stabilité régionale et de préserver la crédibilité de l’OTAN. Finalement, l’intérêt national défini en termes de sécurité dans un contexte de la guerre au terrorisme explique la non intervention américaine au Darfour de 2003 à 2008. / This master’s thesis seeks to analyze what motivates a state’s military intervention in another state in order to stop mass human rights violations such as ethnic cleansing and genocide. Particularly, it tries to explain the United States inconsistent behavior towards genocide and ethnic cleansing during the Rwanda 1994, the Kosovo 1999, and the Darfur 2003 to 2008 humanitarian crisis. Using arguments of the realist approach in International Relations, whose main explanatory factor for state behavior is egoistic national self- interest, this paper examines the United States position during these three human rights crisis. Specifically, we seek to understand the United States non intervention during the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda in 1994, the United States intervention in Kosovo in 1999, and finally the United States non intervention during the mass killings in Darfur in 2003 to 2008.
These case studies demonstrate that shifting definitions of the national self-interest motivate states to intervene or not intervene in ethnic cleansing and genocide crisis. First, during the 1994 Tutsi genocide in Rwanda, the United States chose to not intervene because the national interest, defined as the concentration on domestic affairs, would not be maximized by a military intervention. Secondly, the United States and NATO military intervention during the Kosovo crisis in 1999 can be explained by the pursuit of national self-interest maximization: in the post cold war context, the United States seek to strengthen their security engagements in Europe, to preserve their position and prestige in the international arena, to ensure regional stability as well as the NATO credibility. Finally, it will be argued that the national security self-interests motivated the United States non intervention in Darfur 2003 to 2008.
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Recognition Denied: An Examination of UK and US Foreign Policy towards the Republic of CroatiaLjubic, Maria Christina 02 May 2013 (has links)
This thesis examines the development of decision making taken by two countries, the United Kingdom and the United States, in response to Croatia’s declaration of independence from Yugoslavia. The focus is on the recognition process and the reasoning and rationale used by the government officials and diplomats of the United Kingdom and United States to arrive at their policy decisions and opinions. The concentration is mainly on events from the early 1990s until mid 1992. Topics explored include matters such the politics behind non-recognition, democratic social norms, respect for human rights and Western national interests.
The thesis first hypothesizes, then analyses, which International Relations theory, that is, realism or constructivism, possesses the best capacity explain why these nations initially withheld their recognition of Croatia’s independence before moving to accept the Republic of Croatia as an independent state. The role of the International Relations theories is to offer an interpretation and understanding of these events and decisions. Subsequently, they are judged on their ability to do so. The thesis finds that via the insight of scholars, analysts and theoretical perspectives that both the John Major government of the UK and the George H.W. Bush Administration of the United States behaved mostly according to realist principles, with some instances of constructivist manner. / Graduate / 0615 / 1616 / 0335 / cljubic9@gmail.com
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Från Dayton till hållbar fred? : - En kvalitativ studie om fred, rättvisa och försoning i skuggan av förnekelsen av folkmordet i SrebrenicaHallenius Henrysson, Maria January 2022 (has links)
In July 1995, more than 8,000 young boys and men were executed by Bosnian Serb Forces in what was later declared a genocide in Srebrenica. In the following years, Bosnia and Herzegovina has undergone a long and difficult process of restoring peace and achieving justice and reconciliation. The country's main challenges have mainly concerned Dayton peace agreement and its division of entities and political power, tensions between parties and a structural exclusion of minorities. Following the extensive legal process, a national and international denial of the genocide, and denial of the legitimacy of the ICTY has been dominant. Other historical events like “Safe area” and UN action during the war and the occupation of Srebrenica are important factors for the development towards a democracy. The aim of this thesis is to investigate through a qualitative method the consequences of the denial of the Srebrenica genocide and its impact on the country's ability to achieve peace, justice and reconciliation. Other key concepts are sustainable peace, truth and justice in relation to human rights. Hannah Arendt's theories of total domination, tyranny and political revisionism constitutes the theoretical framework of the thesis. These theories are used to gain a deeper understanding of the concepts, their meaning and how they can be related to countries' transitional justice and achieve peace after serious war crimes. The study shows that the country is strongly affected by its history and the serious violations that the Bosnian Muslim population was subjected to during the war. The widespread denial of the genocide is an extension of suffering and human rights violations, which strongly impedes the country's ability to achieve peace, justice and reconciliation. Other results are that more knowledge is needed about the choice of legal methods after serious violations of humanitarian law. The methods discussed in the study are international tribunals and truth commissions and in which countries these are most adequate. The study has identified gaps in research regarding the understanding of the importance interpersonal relationships, dialogue and a smaller distance between political systems and citizens has for Bosnia & Herzegovina and for countries' recovery and reconciliation processes.
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