Denna uppsats har till en början behandlat en svensk grundlagsskyddad fri- och rättighet, närmare bestämt föreningsfriheten. Det är en rättighet som har en stark förankring, i såväl internationell som nationell rätt. Exempelvis regleras den i Europakonventionen om skydd för de mänskliga rättigheterna och de grundläggande friheterna och i den svenska regeringsformen (1974:152). En del av syftet har varit att undersöka hur vidsträckt denna rättighet är i bland annat ovanstående lagstiftning. Vidare har lagförslaget om ett införande av deltagande och samröre med terrororganisation utretts likväl som hur länder som Norge och Danmark har hanterat problematiken i nationell lagstiftning. Till hjälp har en rättsdogmatisk metod använts genom studerande av lagtext, förarbeten, utländsk praxis, direktiv och doktrin. Ett resultat som uppsatsen har utmynnat i är att föreningsfriheten är omfattande, med få inskränkningsmöjligheter. De begränsningar som finns upptagna syftar på sammanslutningar vilkas verksamhet är av militär eller liknande natur eller är rasdiskriminerande. Vad gällande deltagande- och samrörebegreppet är det i svensk lagstiftning inte ännu inskrivet. Förslaget är att den som deltar i verksamheten i en terroristgrupp på ett sätt som är ägnat att understödja, stärka eller befrämja terroristorganisationen också ska straffbeläggas. Likaså gäller de dem som för organisationen tar befattning med exempelvis vapen, ammunition eller liknande utrustning, uthyrning av lokal eller mark för verksamhetenen eller bistående med pengar eller på annat sätt. Detta behov har lagförts i Danmark och Norge där personer också dömts för brotten.

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Nazi demonstrations have in recent years become a recurring theme in Swedish media. In the summer of 2018 public opinion against the Nazi demonstrations became so strong that the governing party proclaimed that the Swedish Nazi party should be banned. A majority of the other parties agreed. What effect a party ban would have on the freedom of demonstration is however unclear and the purpose of this paper is therefore to examine that subject. To achieve that purpose the paper examines the extent of the freedom of demon- stration in the Swedish constitution and its subsequent laws. In this section, the paper highlights that a demonstration where the organizer hasn’t applied for a demonstration permit still has the same rights as a demonstration where the or- ganizer has a permit. The findings in the paper also shows that current case law advocates that if a crime is being committed during a demonstration the police should wait with arresting suspects, provided the arrests would in effect dissolve the demonstration and as long as the crime is not obvious. The paper moreover examines the exemption in the Swedish constitution that supposedly allows for the banning of Nazi organizations. The conclusion is that the exemption must be characterized as a relatively narrow one. The exemption allows for only the banning of such racist groups that persecute a distinct ethnic or racial group – in contrast with for instance the persecution of refugees in gen- eral. The paper furthermore argues that the word persecution should be inter- preted as meaning repeated acts of violence or threats, although merely hate speech might arguably be sufficient as well. Altogether, this strong protection for the freedom of demonstration, in combi- nation with the narrow exemption for banning racist parties, makes it appear as uncertain how effective a party ban would be in suppressing Nazi demonstra-tions. The paper’s final section thus discusses whether other measures should be considered. In this discussion the argument is made that a constitutional change that would limit the right of demonstration solely for Nazi or similar groups would probably be the most proportional and effective way of stopping Nazi demonstrations.

I denna uppsats utreds möjligheterna för att kriminalisera deltagande i kriminella gäng utifrån dels Jareborgs kriminaliseringsprinciper, dels den grundlagsstadgade föreningsfriheten. Till hjälp för en mer nyanserad analys, redogörs det för två tidigare utredningar, som undersökt möjligheterna att införa deltagandebrott för mc-gäng och terroristorganisationer. För en godtagbar kriminalisering krävs det att tidigare åtgärder vidtagits enligt principen ultima ratio. Gärningen måste även vara tydligt och precist definierad att gemene man kan förutse vad som är straffbart och inte. Till sist måste kriminaliseringen förväntas ha en sådan effekt att det anses vara nödvändigt i förhållande till den inskränkning åtgärden innebär.  Av uppsatsen går att konstatera att det krävs långsiktiga åtgärder för att bekämpa gängkriminaliteten. I dagsläget står både Jareborgs kriminaliseringsprinciper och den grundlagsstadgade föreningsfriheten i vägen för en kriminalisering av deltagande i kriminella gäng. Ett införande av ett deltagandebrott skulle således inte garantera önskvärd effekt utan riskera att endast bli ett slag i luften.

Through globalization non-state actors including transnational corporations (TNC), have taken on a more important global governance role from the nation state, where they through their CSR initiatives, impact social issues surrounding development. There are however conflicting views whether CSR could contribute to development in the society. TNCs CSR engagement mainly concerns social issues at the workplace such as complying with labour rights. But workers right to organize and bargain collectively (FoA), which is a universally adopted labour right, is not emphasized on despite being vital for a democratic and sound labour market that ensures decent working and living conditions and even facilitates poverty reduction and development. Respecting FoA is particularly important in the context of a low-skilled and labor-intensive workforce with a low rule law and bad working conditions, which is often the case in developing countries where many of the apparel and telecom sector produces. Based on the importance of FoA and the critical views whether TNCs CSR initiatives really can improve FoA and thus development, this thesis will explore whether and how three TNCs, that produces in the above described context, address FoA by analyzing their strict policy and practical measures taken. Through using and applying theory and empirics of CSR and FoA, this thesis is conducted as a comparative case study of H&M, IKEA and Ericsson through a qualitative text analysis. The result shows that two out of three TNCs do not emphasize on addressing FoA since they disregard it as well as do not enforce practical measures directed toward FoA, but takes a more overall human rights approach. Whereas H&M highly address FoA by enforcing many projects that physically involves thousands of workers and enables them to organize and bargain collectively, which facilitates improved working and living conditions. The conclusion is that when TNCs, through their CSR initiatives, takes on a global governance role, they should address FoA by enforcing practical measures that physically involves and enable workers to organize and bargain collectively, since this can facilitate poverty reduction and development.

The thesis deals with the draft of amendments to the Swedish Employment Protection Act, that is the result of an agreement between the social partners. The thesis focuses mainly on the change in dispositivity that is proposed for the protection for employments that run until further notice. The draft proposes amedments to the section in the act that concern both the basis for dismissal for personal reasons and the employers’ obligation to reassign an employee before dismissal is actualized. According to current legislation, a factual basis is required to dismiss a permanent employee due to personal reasons. Today, the section in the act is mandatory and exceptions from the provision may only be made for the benefit of the employee. The draft proposes changes in the grounds for dismissal and an alleviation of the employer’s obligation to relocate the employee. Furthermore, the draft proposes that the dispositivity be changed in such a way that the section becomes mandatory in its entirety. Only trade unions that are organized at the main organizational level are proposed to be allowed to negotiate and sign collective agreements on exemptions from the provision. It is as well proposed that the main organizations be able to agree on exemptions that can be both to the detriment and advantage of the employee.  This new order that is proposed affects both the principle of advantage for the employee and the freedom of association for the trade unions according to Swedish law. The thesis deals with how the principle of advantage and how freedom of association is affected by the draft if implemented. To understand the aims and meaning of the draft, and existing legal principles in employment protection, the thesis deals with these topics based on Niklas Bruuns’ theory of access justice. Access justice should be understood as access through justice, rather than access to justice. This means that the employee gets a general right to employment in the labour market, instead of a right to a specific job with a specific employer. This creates demands on the state, which gets extended obligations towards the employee, but also the employee who is expected to be employable in relation to the needs of the labour market. This observed development of labour law is largely due to the widening of the gaps between workers in the labour market, in terms of insiders and outsiders. The essay argues that the proposed changes in the dispositivity concerning the grounds for termination seeks to achieve this identified need, to reduce the gaps between insiders and outsiders, but ends up leaning towards a solution that is outside labour law. The solution in the draft focuses more on financial issues relating to such as competition between corporations. The essay argues that it is possible to find a solution that supports the theory of access justice within the framework of labour law.

This paper discusses if Margin of Appreciation is compatible with the idea of universal human rights. Through the case of Negative freedom of association in Sweden, it studies the phenomenon that Giorgio Agamben has called the State of exception. The questions that are discussed and answered are 1) How does the rights theories of Jack Donnelly and Ronald Dworkin relate to Margin of appreciation, and 2) How has Margin of appreciation been applied in cases concerning the negative freedom of association in Sweden, in the European court for human rights. These questions and answers are then used in the discussion on how Margin of appreciation affects the concept of universal human rights. / Denna uppsats diskuterar frågan om Margin of Appreciation är förenligt med tanken om universella mänskliga rättigheter. Genom studier av den negativa föreningsfriheten i Sverige, så undersöks doktrinen Margin of appreciation och hur den förhåller sig till tanken om universella rättigheter. Frågorna som diskuteras och besvaras är 1) hur förhåller sig Jack Donnellys respektive Ronald Dworkins rättighetsteorier till Margin of appreciation, samt 2) Hur har Margin of appreciation tolkats i europadomstolens i fall gällande den negativa föreningsfriheten i Sverige. Dessa frågor tas till hjälp i diskussionen kring hur Margin of appreciation påverkar tanken om universella mänskliga rättigheter.

The period saw the founding of the first Swedish employers´ associations as a reaction to the preceding decades´ growth of industrial trade unions. Conflicting ideas fought about supremacy. Not only was the fight carried out across the social dividing line separating workers from the bourgeoisie, but also between groups on either side: hawks versus doves among employers; revolutionaries versus reformers among workers. The study uses an actor perspective, comparing three leading industrialists in their particular roles as employers. It analyzes the development of ideas over the period studied, using minutes from meetings, company memos, letters, speeches and newspapers as primary sources. In addition, it is action-orientated and analyzes major labour conflicts that were fought and agreements that were reached. It applies a split vision, taking into regard the contemporary views and actions of the labour unions. Its perspective moves between the individual, the company and the organizational levels, with the primary aim to see what changes in the traditional patriarchal employer policies that were considered and to what extent such changes were realized. A major result is the evidence of the irreconcilable views on the subject of strike breakers/loyal workers -- two conflicting terms for one phenomenon that indicate a gap between two different sets of values. Differing views among employers on how to relate to this gap caused frictions in the years 1906-09. The outcome of the general strike in 1909 ended in a harsh employer organizations policy for more than the two following decades. It was replaced by the mutual spirit, later known as the Swedish Model, materialized in the Saltsjöbaden general agreements of 1938.