Folkmordet i Rwanda 1994 pågick under tre månader och är ett av de mest brutala folkmorden som har utförts under modern tid. Under dessa tre månader dödades ca 800 000 personer och takten i mördandet i Rwanda var fem gånger högre än vad dödandet var under Förintelsen. Till en början trodde omvärlden att det var ett inbördeskrig i Rwanda, vilket var en lögn. Den tidigare forskningen kring folkmordet i Rwanda 1994 bekräftar att FN som organisation misslyckades med att genomföra sitt uppdrag i Rwanda – men det visade sig också att vissa medlemsländer i FN kunde ha agerat annorlunda. Syftet med studien är att med utgångspunkt i FN-dokument undersöka hur Frankrike, Belgien och Rwanda agerade under och efter folkmordet i Rwanda 1994. Studiens källmaterial bestod av officiella FN-dokument som har publicerats i sin helhet i boken The United Nations and Rwanda 1993 – 1996 som FN utgav 1996. Studien präglades utav en kvalitativ textanalys, vilket syftar till att undersöka och analysera vad som faktiskt står i källmaterialet. Resultatet utav studien visade att både Frankrike och Belgiens ”icke-agerande” resulterade i att folkmordet i Rwanda inte stoppades tillräckligt fort. Både Frankrike och Belgien har en historia i Rwanda, vilket borde ha spelat en stor roll i hur de båda borde ha agerat. Resultatet visade också att Rwanda inte kunde sätta stopp för folkmordet själva eftersom Rwandas dåvarande regering var i konflikt med RPF. Det hade behövts ett agerande från FN, men speciellt från Frankrike och Belgien. Detta eftersom att de två medlemsländerna hade vetskap om bakomliggande orsaker till varför folkmordet utfördes under 1994.

In the era of the Arab Spring, the people of Libya and Syria have fought for freedom and democracy. This essay aims to examine and analyze how The United Nations Security Council works to solve international problems in the world.   The main questions of my study are:   - How did the UN work on the basis of R2P in Libya and Syria?  - Why could the UN Security Council to agree on R2P in Libya but not in Syria?  Under the Arab Spring as the context, the purpose of this essay is to study the role of the United Nations UN in Syria and Libya. So, I highlight to the role of UN in R2P Responsibility to Protect in Libya and Syria. In 2011, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1973, which established a no-fly zone over Libya. The UN’s actions in Libya succeeded to remove the dictator Muammar Al-Gaddafi by R2P's principle, while The UN failed to remove dictator Bashar AL-Assad in Syria. The purpose of the R2P in Libya was to establish a no-fly zone and safe areas to protect civilians, but this led to the overthrow of Al-Gaddafi's regime in violation of the UN Security Council Resolution 1973.  I have used the theory of Realism and Liberalism to adapt them with my own theory to achieve the aim of my essay. In this paper, I used also content analysis as a guide of Method to reach conclusions. The materials used for this essay are documents, books and articles etc.  The results of my study are that the most important reason for Russia and China to use their veto in the UN Security Council is fear for the misuse of the international resolution to overthrow the regime in Syria. And thus, harm the very strong Chinese and Russian interests in Syria.

The fact that interventions take place on dubious grounds is not a new phenomenon, but it isan area that is constantly interesting to study as the forms of foreign and security policy areconstantly changing. The Russian intervention in Georgia in 2008 is a formative crossroad forRussia's foreign and security policy. Since then, Russia motivates the Russian interventions,in other sovereign states, by referring to the protection of its own citizens. This studydemonstrates how Russia uses securitization theory as part of its foreign and security policy.By referring to the protection of its own citizens in the intervened state, Russia seekslegitimacy for the Russian interventions. Russia is constructing a threat to Russian citizens,which aims to legitimize Russian action to the international community. The study analyzesthe UN Security Council's meeting records from the Georgia War 2008 and the CrimeanCrisis 2014 based on the Copenhagen School's securitization theory. The analysis examineshow Russia argues that there is a threat to the Russian population in Georgia and Ukraine,during their statements in the Security Council. The study also examines how Russia justifiesits actions and how the other states in the Security Council perceive the stated threat and theRussian measures. The results of the analysis clearly sheds light on how Russia construct athreat, how Russia repeatedly justifies its actions and how the member states of the SecurityCouncil criticize the Russian actions. The Russian action is not perceived as legitimate by theSecurity Council, which is required for the securitization to be considered successful, butthere are clear signs that Russia has conducted a security attempt in both Georgia in 2008 andUkraine in 2014. Because of the many similarities between the cases, the study also shows atrend over time, which justifies the conclusion that Russia uses securitization as part of its foreign and security policy.

In early 1999, newly appointed Indonesian President Habibie authorised a referendum on independence for East Timor. It was held under UN supervision and an overwhelming majority voted in favour. This was not well received by the conservative Indonesian military TNI, which saw this as the beginning of an Indonesian state collapse. Therefore, the TNI launched a month-long offensive in East Timor in the autumn of 1999, characterised by massive displacement, burning of infrastructure, sexual violence against women, and repeated cases of wanton murders. Consequently, some historians have described the period as a genocide. The term genocide aims to describe a concept where a perpetrator has a coordinated plan to destroy key elements of national groups, with the aim of ending the groups’ existence as a whole. Genocide is thus strongly characterised by the idea of human rights and, by extension, has a liberal underpinning. This study aims to determine whether the East Timor Crisis of 1999 can be described as a genocide; whether the description is correct if consideration is made to what constitutes a group and the intent of the perpetrator. It also aims to achieve this by using the originator of the term Raphaël Lemkin's eight societal domains in which he regards genocide to be committed and thus applies events from the East Timor Crisis within these domains to determine whether genocide has taken place. The study makes use of a qualitative, theory consuming case study methodology. It then concludes that genocide, with exceptions, occurred within every societal domain of the East Timorese society throughout the East Timor Crisis of 1999.

Research has shown that news media reporting on foreign affairs tend to rely heavily on official sources (e.g. Schwalbe, 2013; Entman, 2004; Lawrence, 2009). This thesis analyse whether this is the case in Swedish news media reporting on the armed conflict in Mali, where Sweden has troops sanctioned by the UN. A more broader perspective is also analysed: How does the news media portray the armed conflict, and are there any differences between national daily newspapers (considered more “sober”) and national evening newspapers (considered more sensational)? An inductive framing analysis is used to identify frames not available in previous research. These frames, together with frames identified in other studies, are then used in a quantitative content analysis to measure to what extent the frames occur in the texts. Among the most important findings were that Swedish news media did in fact rely on Swedish official reporting to a large extent. The two evening newspapers, Aftonbladet and Expressen, used Swedish official sources in approximately 60% of their articles. The daily newspapers, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet, used Swedish official sources in about 35% of their articles. The main source used was also analyzed: This showed that Swedish official sources were the most common, in between 23% to 62% of the articles. The second most used source differed, but were in the range 9% to 18%. Other important results of the main themes of the articles showed that direct actions of war and other types of violence were the most commonly used. Peace efforts/negotiations and life of Mali civilians were the least common. The thesis also concludes that while there are variables where the evening newspapers and the daily newspapers can be grouped in those categories, that is often not the case.

<p><strong>Varför har FN inte kunnat erkänna våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott?</strong></p><p>Denna studie har ägnats åt att upplysa användning av våldtäkt och andra former utav sexuella övergrepp under krig och dess konsekvenser för utsatta kvinnor. Studien har tillämpat en kvalitativ och litterär metod. Den största delen av materialet har tagits ur diverse artiklar, dokument och tidsskrifer. Uppsatsen upplyser kvinnors rättigheter inom den internationella arenan och studien ifrågasätter varför Förenta Nationerna (FN) har dröjt (ca.50 år) med att identifiera våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott inom internationall lagstiftning.</p><p>Första delen av uppsatsen kommer att presentera de underliggande teorierna som preciserar konceptet sexuellt övergrepp och mer djupgående, också förklara anledningar bakom anvädning av våldtäkt, därav begränsa dess anvädning inom krigsförhållanden.</p><p>Andra delen av uppsatsen sätter fokus på termen våldtäkt och dess utveckling inom den juridiska ramen. Den behandlar folkrätt, och framhäver även orsaker till FN’s svaghet och svårighet att kunna erkänna, inte bara våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott, utan också andra frågor som är problematiska för FN att kunna hantera. Eftersom begreppet ’våldtäkt’ är relativt brett, faller det både under kvinnors rättigheter och i sin tur under mänskliga rättigheter. Av denna anledning kommer uppsatsen att ta upp de möjliga anledningar om varför det har dröjt för FN, men också dess svårighter, att kunna erkänna anvädning av våldtäkt som ett vapen inom krig.</p><p>Tredje delen av uppsatsen tar upp några av de möjliga problem som är ohanterliga för FN, bland annat kulturella skillnader och individuella åsikter mellan medlems staterna, vilket medför brist på konsensus. Uppsatsen ifrågasätter även om kvinnors rättigheter är del av mänskilga rättigheter. Utöver det kommer även uppsatsen resonera kring FN’s dilemma att kunna särskilja sin roll som ett mellanstatligt och transnationellt organ. Och sist men inte minst kommer suveräniteten, som varje stat har rätten till att erhålla, att diskuteras. Denna punkt kommer att klargöra den oenighet som förekommer mellan medlems staterna, vilket ännu än gång har resulterat i det dröjsmål som uppstått i att kunna indentifiera våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott.</p> / <p><strong>Why haven’t the UN been able to recognise rape as a weapon of war?</strong></p><p>The thesis enlightens the usage of rape in war and the consequences this has brought on women who have been subjected to rape. The bulk of the information is taken from various articles, documents and journals and the method used is of a qualitative nature. The thesis sheds light upon women’s rights in the international arena and questions why it took so long (almost 50 years) for the United Nations (UN) in addressing rape as a war crime within international law.</p><p>The first part of the thesis will present various theories that elucidate the word sexual violence and more accurately ‘rape’ in the context of war. The second part generates the judicial part that will depict the difficulty for the international community to address rape as a war crime within international law.</p><p>Furthermore the thesis takes the approach in presenting obstacles faced by the UN, within the framework of human rights, to handle delicate issues such as rape and sexual violence. Since rape is, to a large extent, complicated and a broad concept, and since it falls under the category of women’s rights and under human rights, the thesis will explain reasons behind the dawdling and the hurdles faced by the UN in accepting rape under the category of war crime.</p><p>The third part of the thesis will present possible predicaments that are unmanageable for the UN. Some possible issues that the thesis has touched upon, is cultural diversity and differing opinions among the member states which has resulted in lack of consensus. Furthermore, the study will present the notion of women’s rights, and question if they are part of human rights. The thesis will also discuss the dual role of the UN and its struggle for the past decade to uphold its role both as an intergovernmental as well as a transnational body. Lastly the thesis will enlighten sovereignty that each state must enjoy. Sovereignty has resulted in lack of agreement among the member states which again has caused delay in recognising rape as a war crime.</p>

I och med Romstadgan för den internationella brottmålsdomstolen (nedan Romstadgan) finns nu, för första gången, en juridiskt bindande definition av begreppet aggression, vilken baseras på Förenta Nationernas stadga (nedan FN-stadgan) artikel 2(4). Romstadgan utgör grunden för att Internationella brottmålsdomstolen (nedan ICC), i efterhand, ska kunna utkräva ansvar av en fysisk person för aggressionsbrott. Förenta Nationerna (nedan FN) har till uppgift att bevara freden, genom att agera mot staters aggressionshandlingar, framför allt i preventivt syfte och efter beslut av säkerhetsrådet. Det är intressant att jämföra FN-stadgan och Romstadgans aggressionsbegrepp för att på så sätt förstå hur begreppet aggression behandlas i internationell rätt, både i relationer mellan stater och då fysiska personer ska hållas rättsligt ansvariga för aggressionsbrott. Det är också värdefullt att förstå hur de två definitionerna kan påverka varandra och vad det kan föra med sig för fördelar och nackdelar.                       I denna uppsats behandlas FN-stadgans och Romstadgans aggressionsbegrepp i en komparativ studie, en viktig slutsats är att det finns skillnader mellan  de båda stadgorna.                       I uppsatsen ges inledningsvis en historisk inblick i aggressionsbegreppets utveckling, som underlag för den efterföljande behandlingen, där FN-stadgans och Romstadgans begrepp aggressionshandling utreds.                       Därefter behandlas begreppet aggressionshandling enligt FN-stadgan. Utredningen följer Wienkonventionen om traktaträttens allmänna tolkningsregel. Först görs en tolkning av begreppet aggressionshandlings ordalydelse, i enlighet med FN-stadgans systematik. Sedan redogörs för hur begreppet tolkats av relevanta FN-organ och i staters praxis. Generalförsamlingens aggressionsdefinition, i resolution 3314, gås igenom och kritiseras till viss del, då den inte ger en tydlig avgränsning av vad aggressionsbegreppet innefattar. Generalförsamlingens resolution 3314 är dock central och används därmed, som grund för vidare behandling i uppsatsen där resolutionen också jämförs kritiskt med andra FN-organs praxis och med FN-stadgans lydelse. Uppsatsen visar att begreppet aggressionshandling har givits en vag formulering i FN-stadgan och att vad som anses innefattat i begreppet också skiljer sig något mellan de olika FN-organen. Hos FN-organen finns dock den gemensamma kärnan att, som aggressionshandling anses den första våldsanvändningen i en stats internationella relationer genomförd med ett specifikt aggressivt uppsåt.                        Uppsatsen utreder sedan kritiskt Romstadgans aggressionsbegrepp och dess olika delar varvid viktiga skillnader mot FN-stadgan behandlas. Ett specifikt aggressivt uppsåt saknas i Romstadgan och kan inte heller läsas in i denna, då det skulle gå emot Romstadgans ordalydelse och systematik. Romstadgan ser därmed inte heller ett specifikt aggressivt uppsåt, som en försvårande omständighet, utan Romstadgan ser enbart till det använda våldets allvar och omfattning. Vidare så innehåller Romstadgan en tröskel, i syfte att utesluta en legal gråzon från ICCs jurisdiktion, vilken saknar motsvarighet i FN-stadgan. Romstadgan utesluter därmed genom sin lydelse våldshandlingar, som inom delar av den folkrättsliga doktrinen, anses befinna sig inom en gråzon av jus ad bellum.                       I slutsatserna sammanställs sedan de huvudsakliga skillnaderna mellan aggressionsbegreppen enligt FN-stadgan, FN-organen och Romstadgan och en utredning görs av de fördelar respektive nackdelar och risker, som dessa skillnader medför samt hur skillnaderna påverkar varandra. Författaren finner att det föreligger betydande skillnader då specifikt aggressivt uppsåt saknas i Romstadgan samt då Romstadgans tröskelvärde syftar till att utesluta den legala gråzonen inom jus ad bellum. Vidare anser författaren att dessa skillnader riskerar att urholka FN-stadgans våldsförbud och således i framtiden riskera att gynna starka våldsbenägna stater på svaga staters bekostnad. / The Rome Statute for The International Criminal Court (henceforth The Rome Statute) now provides, for the first time, a legally binding definition of the concept of Aggression. The definition is based on the United Nations Charter (henceforth The UN Charter) article 2(4). The Rome Statute is the foundation on which the International Criminal Court (henceforth ICC) can prosecute individuals on crimes of aggression post the events. The United Nations (henceforth UN) has the charter to sustain the peace through acting against the acts of aggression of nations, primarily preventively and based on resolutions by the Security Council. It is interesting to compare the UN Charter and the Rome Statute definition to understand how the concept of aggression is used in international law, both in relations between nations and when individuals shall be held accountable for crimes of aggression. In addition, it’s valuable to understand how the two definitions can impact each other and what the implications might be of similarities and differences.   Hence, this thesis is a comparative study of the concept of aggression in the UN Charter and the Rome Statute. One key conclusion is that there are significant differences in how the aggression is defined in the two documents.   The use and development of the concept Aggression is first accounted for in a historic context as a foundation for the comparative study.   Then, acts of aggression in the UN Charter is thoroughly investigated in three steps. The investigation is carried out in accordance with the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. Firstly, through an interpretation of acts of aggression in accordance with the ordinary meaning of the term in the context of the UN Charter. Secondly through an investigation of the interpretation in relevant UN bodies and in the practice of nations. Thirdly, the definition of the UN General Assembly, resolution 3314, is investigated and criticised as it does not offer a sufficiently clear delimitation of the concept of aggression.  Resolution 3314 is, however, of key importance and is used subsequently as an element of comparison. The resolution is also compared with the practice of other UN bodies and the wording of the UN Charter. The thesis proves the that aggression has a vague definition in the UN Charter and that the scope of the concept is different in different UN bodies. However, common to all UN Bodies is to define aggression as the first use of force with a specific aggressive intent in international relations.    Following on UN, the thesis provides a critical investigation of the concept of aggression in the Rome Statute where key differences relative to the UN Charter are accounted for. The Rome Statute lacks specific aggressive intent and such cannot be made part of the interpretation as it would the statutes wording and systematics. Thus, the Rome Statute does not regard a specific aggressive intent aggravating but looks solely to the gravity and scale of the force used. In addition, the Rome Statute includes a threshold with the purpose of excluding a grey zone from the jurisdiction of ICC. Such grey zone does not exist in the UN Charter. The implication of this is that the Rome Statute excludes acts of violence that, among some international lawyers, are regarded to be in a grey zone of jus ad bellum.   The conclusions include a summary of the main differences across the UN Charter, different UN Bodies and the Rome Statute. That leads into a discussion on the potential advantages and drawbacks that come out of these differences plus potential effects of the reciprocal influence. The key element of this discussion is that aggressive intent is missing in the Rome Statute and that the statute’s threshold aims to exclude the legal grey zone in jus ad bellum. The thesis concludes that these differences risk to weaken the prohibition of the use of force in the UN Charter and, as a consequence, that this may favour strong and aggressive nations at the expense of smaller and weaker nations.

The following Bachelor’s thesis is analyzing contemporary advocacy for more women in diplomacy by the United Nations (UN), with the help of framing theory. More specifically, it examines, (1) how is the absence of female diplomats represented as a problem? (2) What is represented as the causes of that problem? And finally, (3) what is represented as the solutions to that problem? The thesis examines one UN body: UNITAR, which is the only body that focus on the promotion of women explicitly in diplomacy. This is a single case study with a qualitative approach, and makes use of framing theory, based on social constructivism. Through gathering of outward-focused documents from UNITARs webpage, it has been observed that UNITAR frames the absence of women in diplomacy as an inefficiency problem. The argument is that by promoting more women in foreign policy, there will be greater productivity, enhanced economical growth and less poverty. The main causes of the problem are represented as a mix of societal, individual and organizational barriers. The solution to the problem is represented to be mainly training of individual women to improve skills needed to successfully carry out diplomacy, but also, to a lesser extent, training of organizations to inforce a gender mainstreaming approach. Key Words:  Women in diplomacy, framing, United Nations, women in foreign policy, international campaigns.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att analysera Dag Hammarskjölds medlande och diplomatiska agerande under Kongokrisen 1960-1961. Uppsatsen är grundad i Thomas Princens teori om intermediärt medlande med taktiker och tekniker som metodologiska verktyg. Studiens resultat visar att Hammarskjöld aktivt medlade med en tydlig preferens för Léopoldville faktionen samt att han undvek att tydligt tillgodose FN:s rådgivande kommitté med information om en diplomatisk policy som han själv skapade. Denna bild skiljer sig från den tidigare forskningen som främst har idealiserat Hammarskjöld. Hammarskjölds diplomati var även karakteriserat av en ambivalent relation till medlarrollen där han vid tillfällen snarare var en disputant än en medlare. Genom analysen av Hammarskjölds medlande under Kongokrisen har forskningen om generalsekreterarens diplomatiska agerande utökats.

The purpose of this study is to, based on a comparative case study design, find out what reservations have been made against CEDAW. Furthermore, the purpose is also to compare differences and similarities between the states that have ratified the Convention and made reservations against it. In addition, the study will examine whether the purpose of the convention is sought based on the reservations made. In the study, two international relations theories have been applied, the feminist theory and the liberal internationalist theory. To respond to this purpose, two questions have been formulated. What type of reservations have been made against CEDAW and by which countries? What are the differences and similarities between the reservations and their countries that have made reservations? The results that emerged during the study show that reservations have been made against 9 articles in the convention and the reservations have been made by several different countries. Furthermore, the results also showed that there are more similarities than differences between the countries. The most prominent similarities are based on religion, governance and legislation. One differences between the countries was their completely different rankings on Freedom Houses annual world report on political freedoms and civil rights.