Chapitre 1Le développement local et la décision de migrer : migration mexicaine vers les Etats-Unis La migration mexicaine vers les Etats-Unis est l’un des plus grands phénomènes mi-gratoires et est soumise à un large éventail d’études sur plus de 11 millions d’immigrants mexicains aux Etats-Unis, ce qui représente près d’un dixième de la population du Mexique et un tiers de tous les personnes habitants aux Etats-Unis et nées à l’étranger. Le document se compose d’un modèle de théorie des jeux simple qui vise à illustrer la relation entre les résultats du développement et la décision de migrer et donc de motiver et de fournir un cadre pour l’analyse empirique. En outre, le modèle intègre un facteur qui a récemment été mis en lumière comme jouant un rôle dans la décision de migration : le crime organisé. Nous testons les résultats du modèle de façon empirique en utilisant les données de Mexique et nous proposons des effets différents pour les migrants légaux et illégaux. Les résultats pour les migrants illégaux sont conformes à notre cadre théorique et soutiennent l’importance des variables de développement locales en tant que déterminant de la migration.Chapitre 2Aide internationale, migration illégale et criminalité organiséeDans ce chapitre, le lien entre l’aide étrangère, la migration illégale et le développement est étudié dans un cadre théorique. Nous modélisons un jeu séquentiel d’un gouvernement étranger qui décide de ses politiques de contrôle aux frontières et d’aide étrangère, et du gouvernement du pays d’origine qui décide du niveau d’investissement dans le développement local. Dans ce cadre, l’aide est utilisée pour lutter contre les organisations criminelles dans le pays d’origine, car ils représentent une externalité négative pour le donateur. Les migrants potentiels prennent ensuite leurs décisions de migration après avoir observé les décisions des gouvernements. Le modèle suggère que les flux migratoires sont réduits par les dépenses de développement et que l’existence de la criminalité organisée réduit le niveau optimal d’aide allouée étant donné que le crime fonctionne comme un outil supplémentaire pour réduire la migration illégale. Le mod`èle est ensuite testé de manière empirique à l’aide d’un modèle d’équation simultané utilisant des données de plusieurs pays maillés, d’un côté, des pays qui reçoivent l’aide internationale et envoient des migrants, et de l’autre des pays qui accueillent des migrants et donne l’argent de l’aide internationale. La plupart des prédictions des modèles sont soutenues par notre spécification empirique, ce qui suggère en effet une réduction de l’allocation de l’aide lorsque la migration et le crime sont élevés.Chapitre 3La chute de la mobilité lors du d´eplacement : une étude sur la mobilité sociale des migrants mexicains vers les Etats-Unis Ce chapitre vise à étudier l’impact de la migration parentale sur leurs enfants. Concrètement, nous cherchons inférer l’impact causal de la migration américaine sur la transmission intergénérationnelle de l’éducation au Mexique. Ainsi, en ciblant la population migrante du point de vue de la source-pays, notre document contribue à la littérature avec une étude unique des effets de la migration sur la mobilité ´éducative. En utilisant les données des ménages mexicains, nous examinons les changements des niveaux de scolarité des individus par rapport à ceux de leurs parents et selon le statut de migration de leurs parents au cours de leur enfance. Nous exploitons les données historiques pour résoudre l’endogénéité de la décision de migrer à travers une approche des variables instrumentales, ce qui nous permet de tirer une conclusion causale de nos résultats. Nos résultats montrent que, bien que séduisant à court terme par l’atténuation de la pauvreté actuelle, la migration peut nuire à l’égalité des chances à long terme. / Chapter 1Local Development and the Decision to Migrate : Evidence from Mexican Migration to the USMexican migration to the United States is one of the largest migration phenomena and subject to a wide range of studies having reached more than 11 million of Mexican immigrants in the US, which accounts for nearly a tenth of Mexico’s population and a third of all US foreign-born population. Despite having been widely studied, this paper contributes the scarce literature of the supply-side perspective. The paper is comprised by a simple game theoretic model which aims at illustrating the relationship between development outcomes and the decision to migrate and hence to motivate and provide a framework for the empiricalanalysis. Furthermore, the model incorporates a factor that has been recently shown to play a part on the migration decision : organized crime. Recent kidnapping of migrants suggest a new risk affecting trajectories, while a more violent environment may contribute to push migrants away from their homes. We test the model’s findings empirically using household survey data and propose different effects for legal and illegal migrants, as defined by the type of documents used to enter the US. The results from the illegal migrant subsample are in line with our theoretical framework and support the importance of local development variables as a determinant of migration.Chapter 2Foreign Aid, Illegal Migration and Organized CrimeThrough this chapter, the link between foreign aid, illegal migration and development is studied in a game-theoretic framework. We model a sequential game of a foreign government that decides its border control and foreign aid policies, which are known to source country government deciding on the level of investment in domestic development. In this particular framework, aid is used to fight crime organizations in the source country, as it represents a negative externality for the donor. Potential migrants then make their migration decisions after observing both government’s expenditure decisions, which have an impact on the probability of success. The model suggests migration flows are reduced by development expenditure and that the existence of organized crime, reduces the optimal level of aid allocated as crime works as an additional tool for reducing illegal migration. The model isthen tested empirically through a simultaneous equation model using cross-country data on migrant sending countries to eveloped donor countries. Most model predictions are supported by our empirical specification, suggesting indeed a reduction in aid allocation when migration and crime are high.Chapter 3The fall of mobility when moving : A study of social mobility of Mexican migrants to the US This chapter aims to study the impact of parental migration on their children. In concrete, we intend to infer the causal impact of US migration on the intergenerational transmission of education in Mexico. Social mobility and migration had only been analyzed comparingimmigrants and natives in the destination country. Thus, targeting the migrant population from the source-country perspective, our paper contributes the literature with a unique study of the effects of migration on the educational mobility of the left behinds. Using household survey data, we look at the educational attainment of individuals in Mexico and compare it to that of their parents and according to the parents migration status during their childhood. We exploit historical data to solve for the endogeneity of the decision to migrate through an instrumental variables approach, which allows us to draw causal inference of our results. Our results show that, although attractive on the short-term through the alleviation of current poverty, migration may be detrimental to the equality of opportunities on the long-run.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3376.pdf: 1885453 bytes, checksum: e8dcf214354b05d712a0bdf4985160e1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-07 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This essay is on the relationship between State and civil society, through the angle of international cooperation. The work has two parts. The first studies the concept of civil society, on its multiple meanings through modern period and its possible contemporary instances as political project. The second inquires the international cooperation relationships between donor and receptor countries, considering different actor perspectives. The analysis focus on years between 2002-2008, and a part of the explanation details Brazil case. Moreover, this study aims to contribute on the globalization debate, mainly on its effects over power framework and world order. / Esta dissertação aborda as relações entre Estado e sociedade civil pelo ângulo da cooperação internacional. O trabalho tem duas partes. A primeira trata do conceito de sociedade civil, em seus múltiplos significados ao longo do período moderno e em suas possíveis manifestações contemporâneas tal como projeto político. A segunda examina as relações de cooperação internacional entre países doadores e receptores, levando em conta as diferentes perspectivas dos atores. A análise foca os anos entre 2002-2008 e parte da argumentação é detalhada com relação ao Brasil. Sobretudo, este estudo pretende contribuir para o debate acerca da globalização, principalmente quanto seus efeitos sobre a estrutura de poder e configuração da ordem mundial.

Program utvärderingar utgör till stor del grunden till det formella lärandet inom Sida (Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency). Utvärderingars syfte är att bistå med kunskap och Utvärderingar ska garantera att insatser är baserade på god förståelse om verkligheten i mottagarländerna. Genom att gynna organisatoriskt lärande förmodas utvärderingar bidra till biståndets effektivitet (Stefan Molund, 2004).   Teorier om den lärande organisationen hävdar att organisationers fall beror på medlemmars tendens att förenkla och misstolka verkligheten. Medvetet eller omedvetet leder detta till att organisationens vision försvagas, medlemmars engagemang försvagas och den verklighet man sökt att förändra förblir den samma (Peter M. Senge, 1994).   Genom att bistå sektorer som hälsa, utbildning och demokrati mm. har det svenska biståndet präglats av en objektiv eller positivistisk syn på verkligheten i utvecklingsländer. Insatser inom hälsa leder onekligen till effektivitet i fattigdomsbekämpningen.   Min uppsats visar hur Sidas strävan efter objektivitet löper risken att försvaga organisationens vision. I de fattigaste och mest socialt komplexa utvecklingsländerna finns inte förutsättningarna[1] för objektiv utvärdering, och resultaten av en utvärdering blir ofta öppna för olika tolkningar. Trots att utvärderingarna skildrar en sann bild av verkligheten så leder detta till frustration hos handläggare. Resultatet blir att utvärderingar görs av program som handläggarna redan har god kunskap om. Mitt resultat visar att denna trend successivt försvagar Sidas vision då insatser ämnade åt att öka effektiviteten i biståndet allokeras från de ”fattigaste länderna” till länder som kommit längre i utvecklingsprocessen. [1] De “fattigaste” utvecklingsländerna saknar de institutioner för datainsamling som krävs för objektiv utvärdering. Att skapa förutsättningarna för den kostnadseffektiva objektiva utvärderingen i utvecklingsländer är ett utvecklingsmål som vilket annat som ingår i den övergripande fattigdomsbekämpningen. / Presentation har ägt rum

This essay seeks to discern the motives of the aid allocation of western governments. The aim of the essay is to find differences between three highly similar aid donors: namely Denmark, Norway and Sweden, by doing a comparative case study according to the most similar case method. The research has been conducted by analyzing material from two ministers of each government, the Foreign Ministers and Ministers for International Development, by using a motive-analysis method. Social constructivism and structural realism have been used as a theoretical explanation. These two theories have been helpful in understanding how International Relations work.The results showed that although the three countries were highly similar, they showed some crucial differences in their motivation for aid allocation, especially in the case of Denmark. Theoretically, this could be explained by social constructivism, i.e. that the states have different priorities and experiences.

The dissertation documented the degree of Turkey’s involvement in the promotion of democracy in the Arab Middle East (ME). Initially, I investigated why and under what conditions Turkey promotes democracy in the ME, and then I explained strategies through which Turkey promotes democracy in the region. I applied the neo-classical realist theoretical framework and a mixed methodology in the research, and I provided evidence from two sources: face-to-face interviews with the Turkish and foreign officials and common citizens, and the statistical data from institutions, such as the OECD, Turkish Statistical Institute, and World Bank. My research indicates that Turkey promotes democracy through seven channels. These channels are official development assistance (ODA), mentoring, demonstrative effect, normative pressure, conditionality, military power, enlargement, and civil society organizations. Turkey promotes democracy in the ME for three substantial reasons: first, to advance its security and economic interests; second, to improve the political, social, and economic conditions of people living in the region; and third, to create long-term regional stability, crucial for cooperation in economic and security realms. I attempted to engage in debates with two distinct, but interrelated fields of comparative politics and international relations. My most important contribution to the field is that I documented Turkey’s case of democracy promotion regarding the degree of Turkey’s involvement in this endeavor, its strategies, specificities, and effectiveness in the region. I also contribute to the field as I explained the difference between democracy promotion policies of a regional power, such as Turkey, and global powers, such as the US. I further engaged in discussions that illuminate some aspects of the interplay between the identity and strategic interests in states’ foreign policy decisions.

This thesis investigates the ways in which the Mission Covenant Church of Sweden could influence the Swedish Foreign Aid Policy for NGOs, with particular focus on financial support for their missionary activities. Furthermore, it investigates how the church’s involvement in the emerging Foreign Aid Policy work, and its relationship with the government agency NIB/SIDA during the years 1964-1980, influenced the church’s own policy-making. Using Mahoney, Streeck and Thelen’s concept of gradual change and Bourdieu’s theory of habitus this thesis investigates the influence the relationship had on 1) the Aid policy 2) MCCS: s evangelical mission. The results of this thesis indicate that the government agency’s original demand for a Foreign Aid work neutral from religious or political influence changed into a policy embracing missionary organisations. The results also indicate a change in the priority of the Mission Covenant Church of Sweden’s mission methods with the church prioritising social work over evangelisation. This study aims in general to deepen the knowledge of the NGOs involved in the Swedish Foreign Aid in order to further the understanding of their influence on the Foreign Aid Policy as well as their methods to remain uninfluenced in return.

Following the dramatic takeoff of contemporary China-Africa relationship in the late 1990s, this once neglected international phenomenon has become one of the most topical themes over the past decade. This new popularity is due not only to the growing importance of both China and Africa on the global stage, but also China's rapidly increasing foreign aid on the continent. However, whilst most scholars are focusing on the financial side of the story – the massive concessional loan deals, the generous investments in natural resources and so forth, the primary purpose of this foreign aid – assisting African recipient countries' economic and welfare development – has only generated minimal interest. Little is known regarding how China delivers its foreign aid, and even less about how this foreign aid actually works in the African recipient countries. In light of this situation, this study asks: How has China's foreign aid been assisting Africa's development? On the basis of drawing specific attention to the effectiveness and sustainability of China's foreign aid in Africa, this study also explores the factors that affect these outcomes. Which, as this study finds out in the end, friendship – a factor that is often overlooked by Western scholars and patriotically examined by Chinese scholars. Not only has it continuously played a substantial role in shaping the development of China's foreign aid in Africa, but it is also frequently the most influential underlying consideration that practically undermines China's foreign aid outcomes. All in all, whilst purposed to promote China's foreign aid outcomes, this study improves our understanding of China's foreign aid in Africa. As well it delves into the development of China's foreign aid in Africa, assesses its performance, this study finds the shortcomings of China's foreign aid at present and searches for practical solutions that may contribute to its future development.

Magister Legum - LLM / This research acknowledges that although literature abounds on development assistance in general, not much has been published yet on Cameroon specifically. Therefore, this mini-thesis seeks to contribute to fill this gap. Moreover, it aims to examine both development assistance legislative frameworks in Cameroon and above all to compare them in order to find out which development assistance approach is the most aligned in terms of international obligations relative to human rights and economic development. The IMF-World Bank’s Comprehensive Approach to debt Reduction, (the HIPC Initiative), and China’s White Paper on Foreign Aid have been specifically chosen for this research for two main reasons: first, these two international instruments are significantly impacting upon and reshaping Cameroon’s political, social and economic development architecture since Cameroon economic crisis exists till today; and secondly, to enlighten the public, academicians, policy makers, on development assistance in Cameroon given that legal sources on the topic exist but mostly unpublished and inaccessible Therefore this research will be restricted to the period from Cameroon’s economic crisis in 1980 up to 2014. Given the limited availability of primary legal sources at both the international and domestic levels, this research will primarily look at HIPC Initiative Agreement and the Chinese White Paper on Foreign Aid. Moreover, this study will be conducted in form of the available HIPC documents and reports on Cameroon regularly published by the staff of IMF and the World Bank and specifically the HIPC Decision Point Document and the HIPC Completion Point Document of Cameroon. In addition, this study will rely on primary legal sources relative to states international obligations regarding human rights and economic cooperation such as, the UDHR (10 December 1948), the ICCPR (16 December 1966), the ICESCR (16 December 1966) and the Declaration on the Right to Development (4 December 1986). In the case of China’s development assistance approach, given that neither China nor Cameroon release specific bilateral treaties or agreements related to their development co-operation and the fact that documents and publications relative to Cameroon’s development assistance are mostly unpublished and inaccessible, this study will principally focus on the Chinese White Paper on Foreign Aid. It will also look, amongst others, at the Beijing Declaration of the FOCAC (2004), the White Paper on China-Africa Economic and Trade Co-operation (August 2013). Moreover this research will be complemented through secondary sources such as books, journals articles, report, working papers, press reviews, drafts, deliberation of international conferences and international summits, and internet sources

This thesis expands upon the concept of the global culture wars in sub-Saharan Africa from a Canadian perspective, focusing on the growing division within Canada between conservative, religious values and liberal, progressive ones (Caplan, 2012). This division led to a political and cultural realignment alongside the increased visibility and leadership of religious and faith communities in Canadian public and political life. Amidst this polarization, Conservative Party leader Stephen Harper was elected Prime Minister in February 2006. Under his leadership, a conservative, pro-family agenda was established. This agenda, which advocates a traditional understanding of family life and structure, in particular refers to a legally married, heterosexual couple with children. It was supported by the evangelical Christian population in Canada, which grew from a united religious community in Canada into a significant constituency of the Conservative Party. Harper’s tenure, coupled with the increased visibility and leadership of faith and religious communities significantly affected domestic and international policies during his tenure as Prime Minister, from 2006 to 2015. This thesis examines the Muskoka Initiative on Maternal, Child, and Newborn Health (Muskoka-MNCH) and shows how this initiative, which fostered anti-abortion rhetoric abroad, was utilized to appease the evangelical community’s anti-abortion position in Canada.

Determining whether great crises in donor countries, such as the contemporary COVID-19 pandemic, alter foreign aid allotment represents an urgent research problem. This thesis aims to disentangle if and how aid is increased, reduced or remained the same during crises. The work conducted is a case study of three donor countries: Sweden, the United States and the United Kingdom. Their aid is scrutinized in relation to three crises, the Nordic crisis, the global crisis of 2008 and the COVID-19 pandemic. An identified disagreement in the previous research helps create the theoretical framework guiding this study. A hypothesis is drawn from said framework, that aid allotment is to decrease during crises in donor countries. The findings of this thesis can neither confirm nor reject the hypothesis. Case-specific patterns emerge, implying a relationship between crises and alterations of aid. Seemingly, crises affect foreign aid allotment both positively and negatively, opening up for further research to verify the relationship.