Human rights for refugees has proven to be incredibly hard to protect. The problem lies with the fact that it is the individual State that in practise will protect and guarantee human rights. However, states tend to only protect the rights of their own citizens. As refugees often have left the country where they are citizens and are currently residing in a country where they are not, they find themself in a legal limbo, making them one of the world's most vulnerable groups. Martha Finnemore & Kathryn Sikkink argued that international norms can affect a state’s national politics and that international organisations have an important role to play in that. Earlier research argued that international cooperations can influence states to change their perspective on human rights protection. To better understand this dynamic the study aimed to research if international cooperations could, through socialisation of norms, influence states to respect and protect refugee rights. The study used Turkey’s reception of refugees from Syria between the years 2011 to 2020 as a case. Sweden adopted, during 2016, a regional strategy for the Syrian crisis which led to aid projects in Turkey. The study, therefore, examines Turkey's refugee reception before and after Sweden implemented their projects in the regions. The study made three themes of rights that are specifically important for refugees which was the foundation for the analys. The results were firstly, that refugee protection in Turkey had weakened since the implementation of Sweden's aid project. The only positive change was in labour rights in which the study could find alternative explanations for that specific change. The study found no evidence that international cooperation could influence a state’s approach to human rights. More research within the field is, however, needed.

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This bachelor thesis is a qualitative case study of whether the Olof Palme International Center’s (OPC) model of foreign aid, as a Swedish non-governmental organisation (NGO), is understood by leading figures of the three types of participants involved in the model; the OPC, Swedish member organisations, and, in this case, South African partner organisations, as taking either a solidarity- or charity-approach to foreign aid, in both theory and practise. The theories of Mutual Aid and International Solidarity are used to construct two opposing “solidarity” and “charity” models of foreign aid, against which the OPC model is compared. These two approaches are selected as they are most often associated with NGO foreign aid providers. The criticisms of, and suggestions for improvements to foreign aid practises are collected from aid experts and leading scholars in the field, such as Pearson (1970), the OECD/DAC, and the UN. These suggestions and criticisms are compared against both models and sorted accordingly as indicators in the analytical framework, whereby a preference among aid scholars and experts for the solidarity model is revealed. Empirical data is collected through semi-structured interviews with the involved parties and analysed through qualitative content analysis. By analysing which of the indicators in the analytical framework, belonging to the “solidarity-model” or “charity-model” were affirmed by a majority of the interviewees, it was found that both the OPC’s model and the way it is implemented, is understood by all involved parties as a solidarity model.

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The <u>first essay</u> [“Twin Deficits and Free Lunches: Macroeconomic Outcomes In Anticipation of Foreign Aid”] concerns itself with situations in which private agents anticipate a future windfall (free lunch) that will help service the debt resulting from a present fiscal expansion (implemented via a temporary tax cut). Such expectations of a windfall can arise in the context of natural resource discoveries or, more interestingly, due to perceptions by agents in “too important to fail” countries that will be bailed out through higher foreign aid or debt relief. We employ an overlapping generations model featuring credit constraints to study the real effects of such free lunch expectations in a small open economy, drawing contrasts with the standard tax and money finance closure rules. The model is solved analytically and shows that anticipated aid is equivalent to current aid when agents have perfect foresight, so that a temporary tax cut is seen as permanent. Accordingly, agents raise their consumption and indebtedness (at the expense of future generations) by an amount that is an increasing function of their “impatience” (subjective rates of time preference plus probability of death). A worsening of the current account obtains (twin deficits) across a range of plausible closure rules, including those featuring money finance. The introduction of credit constrained households (we study the variant where myopic agents spend their current disposable incomes) does not alter the basic result in the case of full aid finance, but does matter for mixed tax-aid regimes, in more complex settings where agent expectations and donor promises on aid diverge, and when governments face borrowing constraints so that the timing of aid delivery matters. The <u>second essay</u> [“The Role of Domestic Debt in Economic Growth: An Empirical Investigation For Developing Economies”] focuses on the remaining source of government financing, i.e. domestic debt, and the role it can play in mobilizing private savings, facilitating credit intermediation in higher risk settings (i.e. serving a “collateral” function on bank balance sheets), developing financial markets and supporting economic growth in general. To investigate this question empirically, we set up a new domestic debt database covering about 100 developing economies, going back three decades to 1975; explore Granger causality links between domestic debt and key macroeconomic and institutional variables; and estimate the growth impact of domestic debt using panel regressions, allowing for non-linear effects. Domestic debt, as a share of GDP is found to exert a significant positive impact on economic growth, with potential channels including domestic savings mobilization, provision of risk-insurance on banks’ balance sheets; and greater institutional accountability of the state to its citizens. Although this result countervails more established arguments against domestic debt (i.e. that it leads to crowding out and banks to become lazy), there is some evidence that above a ratio of 35 percent of bank deposits, domestic debt does begin to undermine economic growth. The growth payoff also depends on debt quality, with higher payoffs observed for positive interest-rate bearing marketable debt issued to nonbank sectors. The <u>third and final essay</u> [“Why Do Banks in Developing Economies Hold Domestic Government Securities?”] explores demand-side determinants of domestic debt, by focusing on commercial bank holdings of government paper, discriminating carefully between voluntary factors (such as mean-variance portfolio optimization) and statutory ones (cash reserve and capital adequacy requirements). The analysis is made possible by the construction of a dataset on government and private returns (real and nominal) for almost 600 banks from 70 emerging and low-income economies, spanning the (pre-Basel II) period 1995-2005. A battery of structural cross-section regressions indicates that banks’ portfolio decisions are at least as significantly influenced by mean-variance considerations as regulatory factors: the actual portfolio share of government securities (λ) responds intuitively, and sizably, to variations in the moments of the distributions for government and private returns as well as in the minimum-variance portfolio share (λ*). Higher cash reserve requirements tilt portfolios away from government securities toward riskier private lending, while higher capital adequacy requirements work the other way. The association between actual portfolios and the identified determinants is noticeably weaker at lower ends of the λ distribution, suggesting the domination of non-CAPM factors in those contexts.

大部分的台灣援助研究討論台灣外交政策，沒有太多的研究是從受援者的觀點探討台灣的發展協助成效。本研究將檢視台灣援助的西班牙語學術論文， 選擇一個個案研究，並從事訪談，以中美洲的觀點來闡述台灣援助的成效。且將分析台灣的 外交援助，特別是財團法人國際合作發展基金會從1998年到2015年在中美洲的策略。本研究質疑由國際社會先前 對台灣在中美洲的金錢外交探索，相反地，本研究將評估儘管中美洲有貪污醜聞，台灣援助在中美洲仍是有利的原因。

Cette thèse traite des mesures à prendre afin d'assurer le succès de projets de développement exécutés par des firmes privées, et plus particulièrement les Organisations Non Gouvernementales (ONGs). Les ONGs sont des firmes à but non lucratif qui sont semblables aux gouvernements dans leur préoccupation pour le bien-être des bénéficiaires et aux firmes privées standard sur le plan organisationnel. Leur participation aux projets de développement soulève la question de savoir si elles sont plus efficaces que ces entités similaires. Malgré la croissance rapide du secteur ONG, surtout des multinationales basées dans les pays riches avec des branches implantées dans les pays pauvres, peu de recherches en économie de développement se sont intéressées à comment la nature d’une organisation peut affecter son comportement dans l’implémentation des projets de développement. Les trois chapitres de cette thèse soulignent des différences entre Les ONG, les firmes privées et les gouvernements et examinent comment la nature même de chaque type d'organisation affecte sa fourniture de services publics. Les deux questions-clés sont donc pourquoi et sous quelles des conditions choisir une ONG comme fournisseur de biens et services dans le cadre d'un projet de développement, et comment s’assurer que les normes culturelles des bénéficiaires n’affectent négativement la réussite desdits projets. / This thesis addresses the question of how to ensure the success of development projects executed by private firms, especially Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). NGOs are non-profit firms that are similar to governments in their concern about beneficiaries' welfare and to standard private firms in their organizational form. Their involvement in development projects raises the issue of how well they perform in service provision compared to alternative entities. Despite the rapid growth of the non-profit sector, especially international firms based in high-income countries that operate in low-income countries, the existing literature on economic development has hardly investigated the issue of non-profit performance and regulation. The three chapters of this thesis emphasize differences between NGOs and either private for-profit firms or governements, and examine how the very nature of each type of organization affects service provision. The two key questions are why and under which conditions to choose an NGO as goods or services provider in the framework of a development project, and how to ensure beneficiaries' cultural norms do not undermine the success of development projects.

Denna kvalitativa studie om internationellt utvecklingsbistånd undersöker effekterna av gender mainstreaming i sociala trygghetssystem i Afrika, söder om Sahara, med särskilt fokus på jämställdhet, kvinnors empowerment och biståndets effekter på familjeförhållanden. Studien lyfter fram en historisk bakgrund av gender mainstreaming i politiken, men även dagens internationella engagemang för att bekämpa den extrema fattigdomen. Studien belyser det svenska internationella biståndets initiativ för att minska fattigdomen i Afrika, söder om Sahara.  Totalt genomfördes fyra semistrukturerade intervjuer med högkvalificerade tjänstemän som representerar det internationella biståndet, med bakgrund från Utrikesdepartementet, Styrelsen för internationellt utvecklingssamarbete (Sida), Latinamerikainstitutet på Stockholms universitet och UNICEF Office of Research - Innocenti. Resultatet visade att ett genderintegrerat bistånd i form av sociala kontantöverföringar som främjar jämställdhet i samhällen som biståndet verkar i, bidrar till att minska den extrema fattigdomen. Men resultaten visade även att det krävs ytterligare forskning för att kunna se direkta kausala effekter av biståndet som riktas till kvinnor jämfört med bistånd som riktas till män, samt den effekt som biståndet har på kvinnors empowerment och på biståndsmottagarnas familjeförhållanden. Slutsatsen av undersökningen är att uppbyggnaden av genderintegrerade sociala trygghetssystem i Afrika, söder om Sahara, är av särskild betydelse då man genom ökad jämställdhet och ett övergripande socialt skyddsnät minskar den extrema fattigdomen och främjar regionens välmående i sin helhet. / This qualitative study on international development aid explores the effects of gender mainstreaming in social protection systems in sub-Saharan Africa, with a focus on gender equality, women's empowerment and family structures. The study features a historical background of gender mainstreaming in politics, but also today's international commitment to combat extreme poverty. The study highlights the initiative of the Swedish international aid to reduce poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. A total of four semi-structured interviews were conducted with highly qualified public servants representing the international foreign aid, representing The Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), The Institute of Latin American Studies at Stockholm University and UNICEF Office of Research - Innocenti. The results showed that a gender-based foreign aid in the form of social cash transfers that aims to promote gender equality, helps to reduce extreme poverty. In addition, the results showed that further research is required to see the direct effects of aid directed at women as compared with aid directed at men, as well as the impact of aid on women's empowerment and the family structures of aid recipients. The conclusion of this study is that the development of gender-based social protection systems in sub-Saharan Africa is of particular importance as, through increased gender equality and overall social protection systems, the region's prosperity increases, and levels of extreme poverty reduces.

This thesis examines the implementation, enforcement and evolution of IP laws and regulations in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. The period of interest includes the last decade of the twentieth century and the first decade of the twenty first century, with emphasis on the role played by Free Trade Agreements struck between Jordan and the United States, the European Union, and Jordan’s accession to the World Trade Organization. This thesis also examines the enforcement of the current set of IP laws in Jordan, and looks at their social and economic compatibility with the Jordanian societal norms and economic realities. This thesis argues that Jordanian IP laws lack a meaningful social and economic texture, and have failed to be evenly enforced in Jordan, essentially because they do not fit the Jordanian culture and are not compatible with Jordan’s economic stage of development. Additionally, the thesis argues that IP laws have had insignificant economic impact on the Jordanian economy as the majority of technologies used in Jordan, and the majority of foreign direct investments attracted to Jordan, are not IP related. Finally, the thesis argues that the current Jordanian enforcement model, which is built on coercion by donor countries, is serving the interests of foreign companies to the exclusion of the local citizens, and will not, in the long run, produce an enforcement model based on self-regulation by Jordanians, themselves. The laws, therefore, are unable to produce tangible results for the Jordanian people, or help meet their economic interests. The last part of the thesis deals with recommendations and suggestions aimed at creating an integrated approach to the adoption of IP policies.

Diploma thesis "Involvement of the People's Republic of China in Africa' deals with the evolution of China-Africa cooperation in the three specified time periods. Mainly it deals with the time period of the last nearly sixty years. This time period was subsequently divided into the period of the Cold War, 1990s and the last period is representing the year 2000 up to the present. Even though the diploma thesis deals with the African continent as a whole unit, the special emphasis was put on the four specific countries - namely Angola, Nigeria, Sudan and Zimbabwe. It analyses how the mutual cooperation has changed during these three different time periods and what has been the main components of China-Africa relationship. Primarily cooperation in the economic (foreign direct investments, foreign aid, balance of trade etc.), the political, but also the military sphere is analysed. The emphasis is also put on the Chinese status of a genuine alternative to the Western donor block, especially its policy of non- interference and aid without conditions. Diploma thesis also briefly touches on the approach of the traditional Western countries towards Africa (Washington versus Beijing Consensus). Positive and negative sides of mutual cooperation is also discussed.